Simplifying the aim and goals of procurement law

Thanks to Prof Carina Risvig Hamer, I had the opportunity to participate in the conference ‘EU Public Procurement anno 2025 - Are the rules fit for purpose?’ at the University of Copenhagen.

This was an interesting couple of days with plenty food for thought — but also worryingly reminiscent of discussions already had back in 2011 during the previous round of review of the EU directives (plus ça change).

I think there was a fair amount of support in the room for the position that the issues with the (in)effectiveness of EU procurement law do not stem from the rulebook, but rather from challenges in implementation and organisational and capacity shortcomings. However, this did not pre-empt discussions on how the rulebook could be improved.

My topic was, perhaps unsurprisingly, the need to simplify the aims and goals of competition law (my presentation is available here). This gave me an opportunity to revisit the (old and newer) arguments for stripping procurement of regulatory gatekeeping functions by offloading market-shaping rules and norms to general legislation, not procurement-specific mandatory requirements (eg on sustainability, see also Halonen (2021)).

In short, my conclusions / main points were that, in relation to the increasing use of procurement as a policy delivery tool:

  • Simplification can only be achieved in a pro-competitive manner if the regulatory burden is placed elsewhere (EU-level legislation applicable across the economy)

  • Explicitly changing goal/s and principles is likely to only have a marginal effect

  • Only investment in capacity and development of active market intelligence strategies can start to make a difference in practice

Expanding the Scope of EU Public Procurement Law

The annual meeting of the European Procurement Law Group a few weeks ago was a good excuse to find focused time to think about the ongoing process of review of the EU public procurement rules—as we are working on an edited book with a series of recommendations and reform proposals. My draft chapter focuses on the scope of application of EU procurement law.

In the draft, I argue that the cornerstone of procurement regulation--what actually constitutes a 'public contract'--is not clear, despite decades of ECJ case law. This undermines the coherence and effectiveness of EU internal market law.

Against the background of the ongoing review, I focus on the scope of application of Directive 2014/24/EU to highlight some aspects of the interaction between the EU procurement rules and other instruments of EU internal market law, including new and proposed tools seeking to (further) leverage procurement as a policy delivery instrument—such as the International Procurement Instrument or the Foreign Subsidies Regulation, as well as the increasing range of mandatory (sustainability) requirements focused on procurement.

After a review of recent trends in the interpretation (and narrowing) of the scope of application of Directive 2014/24/EU, I sketch an alternative functional approach that, in my view, would provide conceptual consolidation, realign EU procurement rules with their internal market logic, and potentially improve their fit as a policy delivery instrument.

I make two key reform proposals:

  • New definition of 'procurement' to step back from current focus on 'acquisition' and 'choice' by the contracting authority, and to include preparatory activities with potential negative impacts on the internal market

  • New definition of 'public contract' to eliminate the requirement of 'pecuniary interest'

As always, I would be very interested in any feedback.

The draft can be freely downloaded from SSRN: Sanchez-Graells, Albert, Expanding the Scope of EU Public Procurement Law -- Realigning the Procurement Directive with Its Internal Market Logic while Improving Its Fit with Strategic Procurement? (April 11, 2025). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=5213497.

Procurement in the EU's AI Continent Action Plan

The EU has published its ‘AI Continent Action Plan’ (COM(2025)165).

The Plan aims to enhance the EU’s AI capabilities by promoting initiatives around five key areas. One of those key areas concerns the promotion of AI in strategic sectors and, in particular, in the public sector and healthcare.

The Plan includes some high level initiatives that are, however, not new.

  • The Plan refreshes the expectation for the public sector to provide a source of funding and experimentation for AI development: ‘EU public procurement, accounting for over 15% of our GDP, could create an enormous market for innovative products and services.’ This has been a long-standing aspiration (eg Fostering a European approach to Artificial Intelligence, COM(2021)205).

  • In that regard, the Plan reiterates the goal of the Competitiveness Compass to promote ‘European preference in public procurement for critical sectors and technologies in the context of the forthcoming review of the EU rules’, and clearly places AI amongst them. We will have to wait for details, but the compatibility of an EU preference with international procurement law escapes me.

  • The Plan also refers to the upcoming ‘Apply AI Strategy’ which should ‘address adoption by the public sector, where AI in areas like healthcare can bring transformative benefits to wellbeing’.

    The Plan also includes a reference to:

  • a call for funding of up to four pilot projects aimed at accelerating the deployment of European generative AI solutions in public administrations; and

  • the fact that the ‘GovTech Incubator initiative will, over the period 2025-2029, support 21 GovTech actors from 16 countries to co-pilot and develop, as a first step, AI solutions for public procurement, evidence processing and accessibility assistants.’

    Overall, while it is interesting to see procurement being highlighted as part of the Plan, it seems that the Plan is not at the right scale to promote the sort of system-level change required for extensive adoption of AI in the public sector (at Member State level).

    What is more, without a clear strategy on how to address the issues of digital skills within the public sector, and without specific practical tools or guidance on how to procure AI (and the model EU clauses are definitely not an adequate tool, see here), it is hard to see how there can be much movement outside pilot projects. Perhaps the ‘Apply AI Strategy’ will provide some developments on those fronts.

New UK report on Use of AI in Government contains exportable lessons

The UK House of Commons Public Accounts Committee has published a new report on ‘Use of AI in Government’ (2024-25, HC 356).

The report focuses on the specific situation in the UK and addresses issues closely related to the UK Government’s current ambitions to quickly roll out AI across the public sector.

However, most recommendations target general obstacles and pitfalls for AI deployment, acquisition, and assurance, and will thus be of interest in other countries.

The key conclusions of the report — which I would bet are largely applicable to most countries — include:

  • Out–of–date legacy technology and poor data quality and data–sharing is putting AI adoption in the public sector at risk.

  • Public trust is being jeopardised by slow progress on embedding transparency and establishing robust standards for AI adoption in the public sector.

  • There are persistent digital skills shortages in the public sector and current plans to address the skills gap may not be enough.

  • There is no systematic mechanism for bringing together learning from (failed) pilots and there are few examples of successful at–scale adoption across government.

  • There is a a long way to go to strengthen government’s approach to digital procurement to ensure value for money and a thriving AI supplier market.

  • Realising the benefits of AI across the public sector will require strong leadership.

The key recommendations in the report focus on the need to:

  • Deal with legacy technology and ICT systems before AI is overlaid on it.

  • Address the risks resulting from barriers to data–sharing and poor data quality.

  • Boost compliance with algorithmic transparency and disclosure requirements.

  • Strengthen spend controls for high–risk AI use cases to support safe and ethical roll–out.

  • Put effective plans in place to boost public sector digital skills sustainably.

  • Set up a mechanism for systematically gathering and disseminating intelligence on pilots and their evaluation.

  • Set out how to will identify common and scalable AI products and support their development and roll–out at scale.

  • Develop an effective procurement strategy that leverages buying power to the possible extent.

  • Ensure those taking procurement decisions across government have access to the right digital skills and knowledge.

  • Develop effective governance, leadership and ownership within central government.

Somehow, I am glad to see that these recommendations directly map onto the same areas of concern I have been highlighting in my recent research (eg here, here and here) and talks about these issues. The big question now is whether the (UK) government will find ways to meaningfully address (and fund!) the changes required if AI readiness in a real, practical sense is to be brought closer to the aspirations surrounding public sector AI use.

No meaningful progress on EU model clauses for AI procurement

An updated version of the EU AI model contractual clauses was published on 5 March 2025. Unfortunately, the update is really minor and almost solely focused on tightening the cross-referrals to the EU AI Act after its official publication, and marginal issues on clarity. The updated version is now accompanied by a Commentary on the model clauses. Regrettably, the Commentary does not shed light on the operationalisation of the model clauses beyond minimal aspects of internal consistency and consistency across with the EU AI Act.

The Commentary is not particularly helpful in explaining how its model clauses need to be integrated with broader contractual documentation for the acquisition of AI solutions. After recognising that the model clauses ‘do not constitute a full contractual agreement’, the Commentary indicates that ‘a contractual relationship of which the [model clauses] form part could take the following structure:

This is not helpful guidance.

Regarding the content of the model clauses, nothing has really changed. The example I keep returning to concerns the all important contractual regulation of accuracy, robustness and cybersecurity (Article 8).

The revised model clauses for high-risk AI still indicate the following in Article 8 (with only para 8.4 added to cross-refer to the EU AI Act):

Article 8 is but an empty shell and all substantive requirements are left to Annexes G and H.

Annex G is however blank:

Annex H is also almost blank:

Unfortunately, the Commentary on Article 8 is equally limited.

So, despite the update of the model clauses and the addition of the Commentary, the guidance remains extremely limited — not going beyond a relatively structured skeleton of ‘things to think about and deal with’ in the procurement of an AI solution.

Public buyers’ hopes for ‘plug and play’ guidance are thus bound to be disappointed. More importantly, it is hard to see how model clauses can meaningfully move beyond this initial stage without significant investment in the development of a library of meaningful and sufficiently developed options in relation to each of the relevant Annexes. A lot more needs to be done if the exploding pressure for the procurement of AI is not to result in botched AI acquisitions.

Public procurement during emergencies

A year ago, I was instructed to work on an expert report for the UK Covid-19 Inquiry, which was set up to examine the UK’s response to and impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, and learn lessons for the future.

The report ‘Public procurement in emergencies’ covers the key principles, legal frameworks and relevant guidance with respect to public procurement by the UK government and devolved administrations and how this may be improved in the future.

While some core parts of the report focus on specific issues that arose in the UK’s procurement response to the pandemic—such as the creation of the ‘VIP Lane’ for offers referred by politically-exposed persons or the ‘Ventilator Challenge’ that sought to develop new ventilator prototypes as part of the emergency response—other parts focus on principles of procurement regulation, as well as compared international experiences of emergency procurement during the pandemic. I thus hope the report will be of interest beyond the UK.

The report can be freely downloaded here: Public procurement during emergencies.

Yesterday, I had the opportunity and privilege to present the report and discuss key issues at the Inquiry’s public hearings for the procurement module. The recording of the session is available below.

More on the Commission's duty to assess State aid measures' compatibility with EU procurement law -- AG Medina Opinion in Paks II (C-59/23 P)

The extent and limits to the Commission’s duty to assess the compatibility of State aid measures with other rules of EU internal market law, and public procurement rules in particular, continues to heat up (see earlier comment here). According to the Court’s press release, today’s Opinion of AG Medina in Austria v Commission (Centrale nucléaire Paks II), C-59/23 P is bound to push for further clarification — or give another opportunity to the Court to fudge the issue.

The dispute arose in the context of Hungarian aid for the renovation of a nuclear plant, which resulted in the direct award of a contract to a Russian supplier in accordance with an agreement between Russia and Hungary on cooperation on the peaceful use of nuclear energy—and in a context where Russia also agreed under that agreement to provide Hungary with a State loan in order to finance the new reactors.

So this is very much a case of a procurement offset and against a clearly sensitive geopolitical background, but the point of law at its core is of broad significance for more ‘run of the mill’ State aid + procurement cases.

As the press release stresses,

According to [AG Medina], … the Commission, when assessing the aid at issue, should have examined whether the direct award to [the Russian supplier] of the contract for the construction of the new reactors is compatible with the European Union’s provisions on public contracts.

That award was in fact an aspect of the aid which had an inextricable link with that aid. According to the Advocate General, an inextricable link of that kind exists with regard to factors or conditions which are necessary for the attainment of the object of the aid or for its functioning, without which the planned State intervention cannot achieve the objectives that it pursues. In such a situation, the Commission is required to take into account, in assessing the compatibility of State aid with the internal market, a possible infringement of provisions of EU law other than those relating to aid.

Let’s see what the Court makes of this, and how a circle is squared if it decides to move beyond the confused and confusing stance it has taken on the issue so far.

Further confusion on duty of the European Commission to assess State aid measures' compatibility with other rules of EU internal market law (C‑490/23 P)

The Court of Justice has been recently presented with some cases where a State aid measure was argued to have (not) infringed EU internal market law and should thus (not) have been authorised by the European Commission. These cases raise the common issue of the Commission’s duty to assess proposed State aid measures for compliance with other rules of EU internal market law, and the effects of the relevant approval decisions.

One such case was NFŠ (C-28/23, EU:C:2024:893), where the Court was asked to confirm that consideration of compliance with the EU procurement rules as part of the analysis of the legal structure of the State aid measure should be binding on national courts, where the Commission included a paragraph on such compliance that, at the very least implicitly, indicated that the Commission had been satisfied that there was no breach.

As I criticised (see here, including the relevant disclaimer), despite the AG Opinion stressing that, having been presented with the relevant information on the approach to complying with the applicable procurement rules, ‘the Commission could not have failed to examine whether the form in which the public aid granted … was structured masked the existence of a public contract which should have been put out to tender’ (and thus breached the applicable procurement rules), the ECJ fudged its answer. The ECJ simply stated that implicit assessments of compatibility with EU internal market rules (in that case the procurement rules) could not be binding on national courts.

(Un)surprisingly, it seems that this was not a one-off situation, or the end of the issue.

In the more recent Judgment of 23 January 2025 in Neos v Ryanair (C‑490/23 P, EU:C:2025:32), the ECJ was confronted with arguments on whether the European Commission was obliged to explicitly assess (and provide reasons for its views on) the compatibility of a State aid measure with Art 56 TFEU.

It is worth reproducing the relevant paragraphs in full:

56 … as is clear from the case-law …, the procedure under Article 108 TFEU must never produce a result which is contrary to the specific provisions of the FEU Treaty. Accordingly, State aid which, as such or by reason of some modalities thereof, contravenes provisions or general principles of EU law cannot be declared compatible with the internal market.

57 In the present case, it must be found, first, that while the decision at issue … includes a detailed examination of the compatibility of the minimum remuneration requirement solely in the light of Article 8 of the Rome I Regulation, that nevertheless does not show, as Neos has correctly observed, that that is the only provision of EU law which the Commission considered as relevant for that examination. Indeed, in … the decision at issue, the Commission concluded that the minimum remuneration requirement was prima facie compliant with the Rome I Regulation and that it did not ‘constitute a breach of other provisions of Union law’.

58 Second, … the Commission’s obligation to state reasons does not in any event mean that it must in every case justify the absence of an explicit examination of the compatibility of an aid measure in the light of certain provisions or certain principles of EU law other than the State aid rules and, therefore, give its view on their relevance for the purpose of such an examination.

59 Indeed, given the extremely large number of provisions and principles of EU law that may be infringed by the grant of aid, the Commission cannot be required, without undermining the effectiveness of the procedure under Article 108 TFEU, or even the possibility to take a decision in favour of aid after the preliminary examination phase referred to in Article 108(3) TFEU, and thus without initiation of the formal investigation procedure, to provide specific reasoning concerning each one of them, and, in the present case, as far as concerns Article 56 TFEU.

60 In that respect, it should be held, having regard to the necessity to take account of the context for the purpose of assessing the obligation to state reasons … that a decision declaring an aid measure to be compatible with the internal market in the framework of a procedure under Article 108 TFEU means, in particular if it is apparent, as in the present case, from the Commission’s statement of reasons that it has assessed the aid measure concerned in the light of those provisions or principles, that the latter institution has taken the view that those provisions and principles were either not relevant with respect to that measure or, in any event, had not been infringed.

61 It follows from the foregoing that the General Court also erred in law in finding … that the Commission had infringed its obligation to state reasons in that it had not explained why the only relevant provision, other than Articles 107 and 108 TFEU, in the light of which it had to examine the compatibility of the minimum remuneration requirement, was Article 8 of the Rome I Regulation and not, in particular, Article 56 TFEU.

Prof Nicolaides has already astutely criticised this approach by the ECJ, stressing that

The statements of the CJEU in paragraphs 58 to 60 did not cite any case law. Indeed it seems that it was the first time that the CJEU dealt with the extent of the examination by the Commission of other provisions of EU law. The CJEU missed an opportunity to provide more detailed guidance on what the Commission ought to examine, given the absoluteness of the principle that State aid may not be declared compatible with the internal market if it infringes other provisions of EU law.

It would be unreasonable to expect the Commission to scan the whole of EU law whenever it assesses the compatibility of State aid. But that is certainly not necessary. In this sense, the CJEU performed a logical trick by setting up an irrelevant benchmark to justify why the Commission was not obliged to carry out an exhaustive examination of EU law. The CJEU could have laid down general criteria or could have identified the aspects and modalities that may be considered to be indissoluble from an aid measure, without laying down airtight rules.

I would add that this creates a very strange approach to the effects of implicit assessments by the European Commission of compatibility of State aid measures with the EU internal market rules. On the one hand, implicit assessments suffice for the Commission to discharge its duties to ensure that ‘the procedure under Article 108 TFEU must never produce a result which is contrary to the specific provisions of the FEU Treaty’ (Neos v Ryanair, para 56) while, at the same time, ‘assessments which might implicitly follow from a decision of that institution relating to State aid cannot, in principle, be binding on the national courts in a dispute … which is unrelated to the compatibility of that aid with the internal market’ (NFŠ, para 59).

Quite how this can be squared with legal certainty and doctrines on the protection of legitimate expectations is hard for me to see, especially as it is hard for me to understand what the Court means (in different judgments) by compatibility with the internal market (which seems to sometimes be a broad and sometimes a very narrow concept).

More to follow?

Learning digital procurement's hard lessons before jumping in at the AI deep end

Hanna Barakat & Cambridge Diversity Fund / Better Images of AI / Turning Threads of Cognition / CC-BY 4.0.

In quick succession after the UK Government published its AI Opportunities Action Plan, the National Audit Office (NAO) released its report ‘Government’s approach to technology suppliers: addressing the challenges’ (the NAO digital procurement report). Reading both documents in relation to each other paints a picture of the difficulties and pitfalls in the acceleration of public sector AI adoption desired by the UK Government.

More generally, I think this reflects the tensions faced in most jurisdictions yet to find ways to adapt their procurement practices and programmes to the digital environment and to ‘data first’ approaches, and how important but expensive interventions in ensuring continued investment in procurement skills and systems can have large knock-on effects on the broader functioning of the public sector for better and for worse (an issue I am researching with Nathan Davies).

In short, the AI Opportunities Action Plan seeks to ‘push hard on cross-economy AI adoption’ and places AI procurement at the forefront of that effort. As I highlighted in my hot take on the plan, one of its main weaknesses is the lack of detail on the measures to be put in place to address the large digital skills gap in the public sector— while the extent to which that gap is reduced will be determinative of how far AI procurement can go in contract design, contract and performance management, and other crucial tasks to deliver the plan (see full comments here).

This built on my earlier research, where I have stressed how a risk-based approach to the design and implementation of AI procurement requires advanced digital skills, and how shortcomings in digital skills compound key risks, such as data governance, technological and operational dependency, and system integrity risks (see here ch 7, and here).

My research, and that of others such as the Ada Lovelace Institute (see here and here), has also stressed how current guidance and best practices are insufficient to support the procurement of AI, and how this compounds the issues arising from shortfalls in digital skills. It is also clear that these issues are bound to especially affect particularly resource-constrained areas of the public administration, and that local authority procurement is in a uniquely challenging situation (which I am researching with colleagues at Careful Trouble).

All this research raises significant questions on the deliverability of plans to accelerate AI adoption in the public sector in ways that align with the public interest and do not generate unacceptable risks of mass harms (see here) and, in my view, advocates for a different approach that focuses on putting regulatory stopgap solutions in place while investment in the required fundamentals (data, skills, processes) is addressed, and provides a source of independent oversight of this high stakes process of public sector digital transformation. There are also environmental and other reasons to favour a ‘frugal AI’ approach (see eg here).

The main issue with such cautious (or I would say, realistic) approaches is that they do not convey a politically popular message, and that they are exposed to criticism for being excessively pessimistic or over-prudent, or/and for slowing down the adoption of AI-based solutions that (with the right technosolutionist lenses on) will unlock massive changes in resource-starved public service delivery.

In my view, the NAO digital procurement report makes for grim reading, but it is a strong endorsement of the need for such alternative, slower approaches.

As summarised in its press release, based on its recent investigations into different aspects of government digital transformation programmes, the NAO extracted the following lessons for the UK government to consider:

At central government level

  • There are not enough people with digital commercial skills in government.

  • Government procurement guidance does not address all the complexities of digital commercial issues.

  • Government struggles with the breadth of issues that affects its ability to engage effectively with suppliers.

At department/ministerial level

  • Departments do not make full use of their digital expertise when procuring for technology-enabled business change.

  • Digital contracts are awarded with insufficient preparation.

  • Approaches to contract design can negatively impact successful digital delivery.

This leads the NAO to formulate related recommendations

‘The NAO is recommending that the centre decides who should take ownership for addressing the problems identified in our report. It should produce a sourcing strategy to include improvements in how it deals with ‘big tech’ and strategic suppliers. It should also create a digital skills plan to plug recruitment shortfalls and to better equip and train decision-makers responsible for digital commercial activities.

For departments, the NAO recommends departments strengthen their ‘intelligent client function’. They need to identify and develop key requirements before tenders and bid processes commence, and improve how policymakers and technical specialists work together with procurement specialists. Departments should also improve their capability to collect and use data to inform a pipeline of supply and demand. This would help the centre of government build a more strategic approach to suppliers.’

In my view, the NAO’s findings and recommendations stress the crucial importance of addressing the public sector digital skills gap (both at central and departmental/contracting authority level), so that shortcomings in procurement guidance and in subsequent procurement planning and design, and contract management, can take place. They also stress the urgency in creating workable sets of guidance that provide much more detail and support than the existing generic documents.

What is worth further highlighting is that, unless and until these issues are addressed, digital procurement cannot be successful and, what is more troublesome, in the current context, an acceleration of AI procurement is a very bad idea because it will aggravate the problems identified in the report and potentially create situations that will be impossible or exceedingly costly to fix later on.

In my view, the NAO report should be a wake up call to the UK Government — and to other governments operating in comparable contexts — to do things more slowly and to find ways to fix technological debt, skills shortcomings, and lock-in and other problems associated with high concentration in digital markets. It is difficult to fix them now, but it will be more difficult to do every year from now. Given the nascent state of AI procurement, it seems to me that there is still a window of opportunity to change tack. I am not optimistic that this will happen, though.

Is it Irrelevant whether a Procurement Review Body is Judicial in Character? Case C-303/22, CROSS Zlín

I have uploaded on SSRN a case comment on CROSS Zlín, C-303/22, EU:C:2024:60.

In the case comment, I reflect on the CJEU’s position that, for the purposes of suspending the effectiveness of contract award decisions and preventing the conclusion of public contracts, it is irrelevant whether a procurement review body is judicial in character or not. Given the difficulties I find in systematising (or fully understanding) the rules on administrative and judicial review bodies in the Remedies Directive, I reiterate the call for its review.

The paper is freely downloadable and, as always, I would warmly welcome any comments.

Nadia Piet and AIxDESIGN & Archival Images of AI / Better Images of AI / Limits of Classification / CC-BY 4.0.

The UK's AI Opportunities Action Plan -- a procurement view

The UK Government has today published its AI Opportunities Action Plan, focused on “Ramping up AI adoption across the UK to boost economic growth, provide jobs for the future and improve people's everyday lives”. The plan heavily focuses on public sector AI adoption and formulates a series of recommendations to boost AI procurement. In this post, I highlight some aspects from a procurement perspective.

The action plan has three goals: (1) invest in the foundations of AI;
(2) push hard on cross-economy AI adoption; and (3) position the UK as an AI maker, not an AI taker.

The second goal further details that “The public sector should rapidly pilot and scale AI products and services and encourage the private sector to do the same. This will drive better experiences and outcomes for citizens and boost productivity”, and thus foresees a significant role for the adoption of AI by the public sector. The plan stresses that “AI should become core to how we think about delivering services, transforming citizens’ experiences, and improving productivity. … government should also focus on its role as a major user and customer of AI and how it uses its powers to catalyse private sector adoption”.

Coupled with the current budget and expectations of public sector productivity gains, the action plan will put AI adoption top of the agenda for public sector organisations (if it wasn’t there already…).

The plan also formulates a series of core principles underpinning those goals, which include the need to “Invest in becoming a great customer: government purchasing power can be a huge lever for improving public services, shaping new markets in AI, and boosting the domestic ecosystem. But doing this well is not easy - it will require real leadership and radical change, especially in procurement.”

Focus on AI procurement

In more detail, under section 2 of the plan, the public sector should adopt a “Scan > Pilot > Scale” approach with several implications for procurement — which the plan considers will need to be thought of differently. The procurement implications will mainly concern the pilot and scale phases of the proposed approach. The plan sets out the following:

Pilot - rapidly developing prototypes or fast light-touch procurement to spin up pilots in high-impact areas, robust evaluation and publishing results. This will require:

34. Consistent use of a framework for how to source AI - whether to build in-house, buy, or run innovation challenges - that evolves over time, given data, capability, industry contexts and evaluation of what’s worked. Where appropriate, the government should support open-source solutions that can be adopted by other organisations and design processes with startups and other innovators in mind.

35. A rapid prototyping capability that can be drawn on for key projects where needed, including technical and delivery resource to build and test proof of concepts, leveraging in-house AI expertise, together with specialists in design and user experience.

36. Specific support to hire external AI talent. Creation of a technical senior civil servant stream, benchmarking of internal AI-related role pay to at least 75% of private-sector rate and a technical AI recruitment screening process.

37. A data-rich experimentation environment including a streamlined approach to accessing data sets, access to language models and necessary infrastructure like compute.

38. A faster, multi-stage gated and scaling AI procurement process that enables easy and quick access to small-scale funding for pilots and only layers bureaucratic controls as the investment-size gets larger. Multi-staged “Competitive Flexible Procedures” should be encouraged, and startups compensated for the rounds they make it through.

Some of these proposals go to the current weaknesses in public sector AI procurement, such as the absence of a clear and consistent framework for the procurement of AI, limited use of open source solutions, limitations in accessing public sector specific data (on which section 1.2 includes more recommendations), or, notoriously, a large digital skills gap in the public sector. Implementing measures to address these issues would clearly make a difference. However, the plan does not contain any details on the level of public finance available to make the required investments — especially in public sector digital skills — and the press release accompanying the plan solely mentions investments committed by private companies seeking to develop data centres or a consultancy tech hub. The government’s response to the plan does not provide details either. Without a dedicated and ambitious investment plan, these recommendations cannot be implemented.

Moreover, some of the other proposals around prototypes and light-touch procurement processes can be problematic when coupled with the Procurement Act 2023 (soon to enter into force).

First, it is worth highlighting that the procurement of prototypes and their development is susceptible of direct award under the Procurement Act 2023, even where the benefits do not accrue exclusively to the contracting authority for its use in the conduct of its own affairs (as still the requirement under PCR2015, reg.14), and without this necessarily requiring the output of the development/prototype to be transferred to the contracting authority (s.41 PA23 and Sch.5 paras 2 and 3). Moreover, under current guidance on Intellectual Property Rights (IPR), the preferred option is to leave IPR under supplier ownership “where the creation of any New IP created cannot easily be separated from the (Supplier’s) Existing IP. For example, where suppliers provide software as a service solutions (SaaS), New IP (principally code) cannot be separated from the supplier’s Existing IP because it all resides as a single entity on a remote server.” In that case, the contracting authority is advised to acquire licenced rights.

In my view, the combination of these two aspects could result in the use of public contracts to subsidise the development of prototypes that remain in private ownership and, importantly, this would be done through non-competitive procedures. Moreover, this could also lead to the subsequent direct award of contracts to scale up the deployment of the prototype on grounds of the IPR exclusivity thus generated (s.41 PA23 and Sch.5 para 5). In my view, this approach would be problematic and create a potential loophole in competitive procurement of AI solutions. It would thus be highly advisable to revise guidance on IPR, specifically in relation to the development of AI prototypes, to avoid this situation — perhaps with a default position being to retain IP under Crown ownership in these cases. It would also seem that there is a broader reflection to be had on the interaction between R&D grants and procurement contracts, as procurement approaches to prototyping can create other difficulties (eg on liability to third parties, etc).

Second, the use of competitive flexible procedures (CFPs) should be considered in more detail. Under the Procurement Act 2023, CFPs are a ‘DIY’ procedure because each contracting authority can come up with its own design and requirements, thus making each CFP unique. This would significantly raise participation costs and be prone to litigation and other problems. In that regard, it would be desirable to create a single ‘AI CFP’ to be used across the board, to save AI companies (and specially the tech start-ups targeted in the AI action plan) from having to spend resource ‘learning’ the rules of the relevant CFP, but also to reduce the need for specialist knowledge at contracting authority level. Given the extremely limited experience with competitive dialogues and innovation partnerships to date, expecting contracting authorities to develop very tailored approaches to CFPs seems excessively optimistic in any case.

The plan then moves from piloting to scaling up and sets out the following:

Scale - identifying successful pilots that can be applied in different settings to support citizens (e.g. to reduce waiting lists or minimise time and cost to complete paperwork) and rolling them out beyond organisational boundaries. Scale is essential if AI is to have a meaningful impact on productivity, effectiveness and citizen experience, as well as maximising government spending power. Moreover, doing this well and procuring in a way that benefits innovators is a powerful lever for upending the cliché that the UK is good at invention, but poor at commercialisation. It will require:

39. A scaling service for successful pilots with senior support and central funding resource. The government should support a select number of proven pilots to scale - with central finance and tools available to avoid fragmentation across systems and budgets - and achieve up to national level reach.

40. Mission-focussed national AI tenders to support rapid adoption across de-centralised systems led by the mission delivery boards. An example of tendering to enable scale is the NHS’s AI Diagnostic Fund allocating £21 million to twelve imaging networks, covering 66 NHS trusts across England, significantly speeding up the roll out of AI diagnostic tools nationwide. However, these tenders should be designed to encourage new entrants, avoiding reliance on commercial frameworks where possible.

41. Development or procurement of a scalable AI tech stack that supports the use of specialist narrow and large language models for tens or hundreds of millions of citizen interactions across the UK.

42. Mandating infrastructure interoperability, code reusability and open sourcing. The AI infrastructure choice at-scale should be standardised, tools should be built with reusable modular code components, and code-base open-sourcing where possible.

As above, this section also includes recommendations that would focus on key areas of current weakness, such as the need to provide additional support to scale up successful pilots, as well as taking a more decided approach to interoperability and open source.

However, this approach also raises some questions, as it seems very central government focused. It is unclear whether the same type of approach would be helpful in the context of local AI procurement, or how to avoid significant levels of procurement centralisation in the rollout of scaled-up solutions. The issue of “commercial frameworks” (or vehicles) is also intriguing, as it seems counterintuitive that commercial vehicles should be avoided at the point of scaling-up, when the solutions should be sufficiently standardised and volume could be a significant driver of cost for the public sector. It can well be that each scaling-up context is different and, in that case, avoidance of commercial vehicles might not always be the way forward. More generally, a reflection on whether to use (open) frameworks or dynamic markets also seems necessary, and there are good reasons to think that in fast-moving markets, (open) frameworks are not the way to go.

The plan contains a further procurement-related recommendation to enable public and private sectors to reinforce each other: “Procure smartly from the AI ecosystem as both its largest customer and as a market shaper. Innovative AI suppliers from the UK and around the world should be engaged to support demand and encourage investment. Procurement contract terms should set standards (e.g. quality), requirements, and best practice (e.g. performance evaluations). “Contemplation” clauses should be included in contracts to ensure the government remains agile to a rapidly changing AI ecosystem by mandating that contractors regularly assess and adopt newer technologies.”

At this level of generality, it is hard to disagree with the recommendation. However, as mentioned above, the extent to which the public sector digital skills gap is reduced will be determinative of how far AI procurement can go in contract design, contract and performance management, and other crucial tasks. I am also not sure whether ‘contemplation’ means technological update requirements, or rather rights to curtail, modify or terminate the contract for the contracting authority on technological (or other?) grounds. Some further thinking also seems required here.

Overall impression (aka hot take)

My overall impression is that the plan targets central government and specific types of AI, and that it contains recommendations that will be difficult and expensive to implement. Without a clear view of the level of public investment that will be available to implement the plan, it is hard to assess its likely impact — although issues such as overcoming the public sector digital skills gap and the compounded complexity of AI procurement and procurement under new rules seem to me to pose a significant challenge. I think it will be difficult for contracting authorities outside of central government, and in particular at the local level, to finds way to implement the plan in their own operations, despite the clear push for local level public sector AI adoption.

Linked to this, I think the procurement-related proposals in the action plan merit some further discussion and consideration. In that regard, they can be the basis for more focused thought, especially in relation to non-central government AI adoption, such as work carried out under the National Taskforce for Procurement of AI in Local Government proposed by the Ada Lovelace Institute,

Adapting to a Changing World, not without Difficulties: Kolin (C-652/22) -- Guest post by Prof Roberto Caranta

Untitled (Entry) (c.1917) - Amadeo Souza Cardoso (1887-1918).

It is pleasure to host the views of Prof Roberto Caranta on the controversial Kolin case. Over the years, I have learned a lot and developed my thinking thanks to debates with Roberto. When we agree, his views always have interesting nuance and, when we disagree, his views offer strong intellectual challenge for me. This is a case where we have quite different views on the big picture, but also converging views on the challenges ahead. I hope reading Roberto’s thoughts and contrasting them with mine (here) will help push the debate more generally. Roberto’s views were first published as an Op-Ed for EU Law Live on 7 Nov 2024.

Adapting to a Changing World,
not without Difficulties: Kolin (C-652/22)

Trade has been an essential component in the international economic and legal order built following the fall of the Berlin Wall, but it cannot be taken for granted anymore. As recently indicated by D.L. Sloss, the ‘rules-based international order confronts significant challenges, but it is not unravelling—at least, not yet’. A few days ago, the Centre for International Governance Innovation indicated that ‘The global order is under strain, propelled by the complex interplay of numerous trends and impacts. Converging factors are redefining the contours of the international system, necessitating significant adaptation by states.’ (Scenarios of Evolving Global Order).

This Op-Ed is based on the assumption that public procurement law is not and cannot be insulated from these changes – veritable seismic shifts – and from recent policy and normative actions taken by EU institutions. What was ‘historically’ the position of those same institutions may indeed be passé.

The Court of Justice judgment in Kolin Inşaat Turizm Sanayi ve Ticaret (C-652/22) (‘Kolin’), which addresses  for the first time the legal position of third country economic operators wishing to bid for a procurement contract in one of the Member States, must in my view be read in this changing context.

This assumption leads me to diverge on some points from the assessment of the Kolin judgment by Albert Sanchez-Graells.

Is the Court of Justice running wild?

Before going into the merits of the judgment, a few words are warranted in relation to Albert Sanchez-Graells’ assertion that the Court of Justice went out of its way to ‘answer a question it had not been asked’. In my view, the Court of Justice did not answer a different question but, following the Opinion of Advocate General Collins, declared the question inadmissible. With reference to this specific procedural aspect – as is the case with other aspects – EU law follows the French approach, considering questions of admissibility as moyens d’ordre public. As a consequence, as indicated by Lasok in his European Court Practice and Procedure, ‘The Court’s lack of jurisdiction is something which the Court must raise of its own motion’.

The Advocate General having raised an issue of inadmissibility, in my opinion, the Court of Justice had no choice but to address it. Not that the Court of Justice has never been accused – in a more or less veiled way – of running wild. In the past, however, the indictment targeted the Court of Justice for its assumed power grabbing to the detriment of the Member States. Just think of Hjalte Rasmussen On Law and Policy in the European Court of Justice. The competence of the EU with reference to international trade law is not so much disputed in this case, even if some of the Member States engaged in arguments claiming some residual powers that were so disparate as to  point only to much legal uncertainty.

This uncertainty is further compounded by a shift in policy preferences at EU level that was made manifest with the adoption of both the International Procurement Instrument (IPI) and the Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR). Needless to recall that this shift in policy was called for by the Council – i.e. the Member States. In 2019, it was indeed the Council deciding that ‘the EU must also safeguard its interests in the light of unfair practices of third countries, making full use of trade defence instruments and our public procurement rules, as well as ensuring effective reciprocity for public procurement with third countries’. The Council also called ‘for resuming discussions on the EU’s international procurement instrument’ (see here). ‘Reciprocity’ is the key word in the present EU approach to the international dimension of public procurement markets.

Of course, one might question the wisdom of this policy shift. But a power grab must be excluded here, and having a judgment on the matter cannot, in and of itself, be a bad thing. Of course, the problem may be the quality of the judgment, which  may be measured by the number and gravity of issues that a judicial decision leaves open – or opens and leaves unanswered.

No EU rights for economic operators from third countries which are not party to a trade agreement with the EU

To assess whether economic operators from third countries not benefiting from reciprocal trade agreements may participate in public procurement procedures in EU Member States, the reasoning of the Court of Justice first analyses  the relevant legal provisions in Directive 2014/25/EU, and then the competence concerning international trade (commerce in EU parlance rooted in a time when English was not dominant).

According to the Court of Justice, Article 43 of Directive 2014/25/EU ‘reflects’ the EU’s international commitments to give equal participation rights to economic operators hailing from third countries benefiting from international commitments signed by the EU (paragraph 43, referring to Recital 27 of the Directive). The Court’s reference is first and foremost to the GPA. This understanding is in line with the existing literature (Annamaria La Chimia) and, as pointed out by Albert Sanchez-Graells, does not add anything to the already pre-existing international obligations. However, the Court of Justice reads more into Directive 2014/25/EU. According to the Court, in the absence of exclusion measures adopted by the EU, although the Directive does not preclude third country economic operators not benefiting from market access rights

from being allowed to participate in a public procurement procedure governed by Directive 2014/25, it does, however, preclude those economic operators from being able, in the context of their participation in such a procedure, to rely on that directive and thus to require that their tender be treated equally to those submitted by tenderers from Member States and by the tenderers from third countries referred to in Article 43 of that directive (para. 45).

Reasoning otherwise would indeed mean that the same benefits reflected in Article 43 would be accorded to economic operators from all third countries, regardless of whether they are covered by an international agreement (paras. 46 and 47). The reasoning is further supported by reference to the IPI Regulation, which confirms that economic operators not benefiting from international commitment may be excluded for public procurement procedures in the EU (para. 49). This conclusion is hardly disputable. There would be no incentive for third countries to negotiate agreements to gain reciprocal access if participation was already allowed (Annamaria La Chimia).

To rebut the argument advanced from some of the Member States to the effect that Directive 2014/25/EU does not stand in the way of national law according access to economic operators from all third countries, even those not bound by international agreements, the Court of Justice widened the reasoning to include the EU exclusive competence in matters of international trade. The Court held that only the EU is competent to decide which economic operators have access to the European procurement markets. These decisions take place through the negotiation and conclusion of international agreements. This exclusive competence of the EU is grounded on Article 3 TFEU, wherein Article 3(1)(e) lists ‘common commercial policy’ among the areas of EU exclusive competence. Article 3(2) further indicates that ‘The Union shall also have exclusive competence for the conclusion of an international agreement when its conclusion is provided for in a legislative act of the Union or is necessary to enable the Union to exercise its internal competence, or in so far as its conclusion may affect common rules or alter their scope’. This policy is further articulated in Articles 206 and 207 TFEU. According to the Court of Justice,

Any act of general application specifically intended to determine the arrangements under which economic operators from a third country may participate in public procurement procedures in the European Union is such as to have direct and immediate effects on trade in goods and services between that third country and the European Union, with the result that it falls within the exclusive competence of the European Union (…) (para. 57).

The Court again refers to the IPI Regulation to strengthen its conclusion about the exclusive competence of the EU  in relation to the adoption of ‘measures of general application that may be taken with regard to economic operators of a third country which has not concluded an international agreement with the European Union’ (para. 59).

Here again the lack of competence of the Member States to legislate on the matter can hardly be disputed, as the IPI gives  the Commission, and  the Commission alone, the power to take measures to exclude participation of economic operators from specific third countries in order to force their hand in negotiating reciprocal access to the respective procurement markets.

An unavoidable limitation

Some critics argue that there is incoherence in the reasoning of the Court of Justice where it stops short of simply declaring that economic operators of a third country which has not concluded an international agreement with the EU cannot participate in public procurement procedures in the Member States.

Indeed, the Court of Justice restricts the competence of the EU – and the correlative lack of competence of the Member States – to the adoption of ‘acts of general application’ concerning participation in public procurement procedures in at least three paragraphs of the judgment (paras. 57, 59 and 61). Instead, the Court of Justice concedes that individual contracting authorities and entities may well allow the participation of third country economic operators not benefiting from market access agreements in individual procurement procedures (e.g. paras. 45, 47 and 63 ff).

Here again it is in my view doubtful whether the Court could have gone further than it went. The possible participation in public procurement procedures of such economic operators is implied in both in Article 86 of Directive 2014/25/EU and in the IPI Regulation (paras. 58 and 59). The latter would be made moot if no participation at all was possible. It would make no sense to exclude them if they had no possibility to participate in the first place.

Additionally, under Article 2(1) TFEU, ‘When the Treaties confer on the Union exclusive competence in a specific area, only the Union may legislate and adopt legally binding acts, the Member States being able to do so themselves only if so empowered by the Union or for the implementation of Union acts’. This clearly applies to ‘acts of general application’. The decision to allow participation in individual procurement procedures is not such an act and arguably does not even amount to a ‘legally binding decision’. There is some similarity here with the distinction between ‘regulation’ and ‘buying decision’ (or between ‘market regulator’ and ‘market participant’) that defines and limits the application of the US Commerce Clause in the area of public procurement as discussed by Jason Czarnezki in his comparison of EU and US procurement law.

A total exclusion might be problematic in case no EU or other economic operator benefiting from the right to market access is available. Unavoidably, contracting authorities or entities are left to

assess whether economic operators of a third country which has not concluded an international agreement with the European Union guaranteeing equal and reciprocal access to public procurement should be admitted to a public procurement procedure and, if it decides to admit them, whether provision should be made for an adjustment of the result arising from a comparison between the tenders submitted by those operators and those submitted by other operators (para. 63).

A patently insufficiently defined regime

Where I cannot but side with Albert Sanchez-Graells is in lamenting the gravely insufficient guidance given by the Court of Justice concerning the rules applicable to those individual cases of participation in public procurement of economic operators from third countries not benefiting from market access.

The Court of Justice places on individual contracting authorities and entities the heavy burden of designating the regime applicable to that participation. The indication is in any case to treat those economic operators differently. They may be excluded and if not, provisions might be made ‘for an adjustment of the result’ of the award procedure (paragraph 63). The choice between outright exclusion and ‘adjustment’ is consistent with Article 6(6) of the IPI Regulation, indicating that the Commission may decide to ‘restrict the access of economic operators, goods or services from a third country to public procurement procedures by requiring contracting authorities or contracting entities to:

(a) impose a score adjustment on tenders submitted by economic operators originating in that third country; or

(b) exclude tenders submitted by economic operators originating in that third country’.

It is, however, uncertain how delegating this power to individual contracting authorities and entities might be coordinated with the competence the IPI Regulation vests in the Commission. The risk of dissonance and confusion is big, and contracting authorities and entities will have to closely watch IPI measures taken to make sure that they make the necessary adjustments or exclude the relevant economic operators as the case might be.

Furthermore, the contracting authorities and entities are empowered to reflect, in the procurement documents, ‘the objective difference between the legal situation of those operators, on the one hand, and that of economic operators of the European Union and of third countries which have concluded such an agreement with the European Union’ (para. 64). So much so that ‘national provisions transposing Directive 2014/25’ cannot be applied to those economic operators (para. 65). The same is obviously true of national provisions implementing the other public procurement and concessions directives. In the end, ‘While it is conceivable that the arrangements for treatment of such operators should comply with certain requirements, such as transparency or proportionality, an action by one of those operators seeking to complain that the contracting entity has infringed such requirements can be examined only in the light of national law and not of EU law’ (para. 66).

The problem here is that in most Member States there are no public procurement provisions different from those implementing EU law. Contracting authorities and entities are thus left in a normative vacuum.  It is true that in many Member States somewhat different purely domestic provisions apply to contracts below the threshold and not having a cross-border interest as well as to other excluded contracts. However, these rules tend to set alternative and lighter procedures. It is mostly impossible to manage an award procedure following two discrete sets of rules depending on who is the tenderer. The option again is between some form of preference, along with its drawbacks, or a discrete regime concerning qualification, e.g. by limiting acceptable references for previous experience to contracts awarded in the EU.

Another potential difference might be on remedies. Some data – admittedly old data – indicates that in some Member States remedies do not apply to contracts below the thresholds or excluded contracts (see here). One possible option might be to extend this lack of remedies to economic operators from third countries which have not concluded an agreement with the EU, but as was shown by Albert Sanchez Graells, this is just one of four options, and possibly not the one most used so far.  Moreover, it is doubtful how this could be squared with the right to a fair trial and an effective remedy flowing from Article 6 and 13 of the ECHR. As argued by Pedro Telles, the applicable regime of remedies is thus left unclear.

Looking forward to the reform of the 2014 directives

In my view, the case could have hardly been decided differently.  That said, contracting authorities and entities are left in a legal limbo. The Court of Justice clearly leaves the door open to future EU legislation on the matter. Contracting authorities and entities may allow such participation only ‘In the absence of acts adopted by the European Union’ (para. 63).

Article 43 of Directive 2014/25/EU – and its corresponding provisions in other texts such as Article 25 of Directive 2014/24/EU – needs being reformed to clearly reflect the fact that EU public procurement markets not only must be opened in some cases, but that they might be closed as well.

One option is complete closure. This, however, might leave us without sellers in some cases and would severely curtail the margin of manoeuvre the Commission currently enjoys under the IPI Regulation. This leaves us with a provision that better defines the power of ‘adjustment’ of contracting authorities and entities. The changes that lead to the adoption of the Net Zero Industry Act (NZIA) provide a cautionary tale. Article 19(2)(d) of the Commission Proposal provided for adjustments linked to ‘the tender’s contribution to resilience, taking into account the proportion of the products originating from a single source of supply’. This approach did not survive the trilogue. The use of contract clauses for the outright limitation of supplies from third countries has instead been preferred in what has become Article 25 NZIA.

On the occasion of the reform, to avoid economic operators not benefiting from a market access regime dodging the bullet by simply opening a shop in one EU country, extending the provision of Article 85(5) Directive 2014/25/EU across  all the directives could also be considered.

In the meantime, a revision of the Guidance on the participation of third-country bidders and goods in the EU procurement market would be welcome to help struggling contracting authorities and entities.

A missed opportunity to provide meaningful clarification on state aid analysis of procurement compliance and some problematic ‘obiter dicta’ (C-28/23)

By Arne Müseler / www.arne-mueseler.com, CC BY-SA 3.0 de, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=149888646.

On 17 October 2024, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) delivered its preliminary ruling in NFŠ (C-28/23, EU:C:2024:893). The case was very interesting in three respects. First, in addressing some aspects of the definition of public works contracts that keep coming up in litigation in relation to relatively complex real estate transactions. Second, in addressing the effects of a State aid decision on the assessment of compliance with procurement law of the legal structure used to implement the aid package (including the treatment from a procurement perspective of put options as State aid measures). Third, in addressing some limits on the ‘strategic’ use of remedies by contracting authorities that have breached procurement law. Moreover, the case raised questions on the extent to which the parties to a dispute leading to a request for a preliminary reference can seek to clarify in front of the ECJ the underlying circumstances of the dispute, where the referring court has presented an incorrect or biased fact pattern.

The case indeed raised interesting issues and AG Campos Sánchez-Bordona delivered a promising Opinion that would have enabled the ECJ to provide helpful clarifications in those respects. However, in its NFŠ Judgment, the ECJ has not only missed that opportunity but also made some sweeping statements that could be problematic from the perspective of the interaction between State aid and procurement law.

I should from the outset disclose again that I was involved in the case. At the request of NFŠ, I wrote an expert statement addressing some of the issues before the ECJ. This may, of course, have affected my view of the case. However, I hope the comments below will help put the case in perspective and highlight the need to take some of the statements made by the Court with more than a pinch of salt. Actually, given the peculiar circumstances of the NFŠ case, I argue that they need to be considered as mere ‘obiter dicta’.

Background

I detailed the background of the case in my earlier comment on the AG Opinion, but it is helpful to restate the key issues here.

In 2013 the Slovak Government granted State aid to NFŠ to support the construction of the national football stadium in Bratislava. However, that State aid package was not considered sufficient and work did not start. The State aid measure was then revised in 2016 (the ‘grant agreement’), and the Slovak Government also granted NFŠ a unilateral put option to sell the stadium to the State, under certain conditions, during the five years following its completion (the ‘agreement to enter into a future sales agreement’ or ‘AFSA’).

Upon notification of the revised aid package, the Commission declared those measures to be compatible with the internal market by State aid Decision SA.46530. The State aid Decision made two important explicit points. First, it confirmed that the put option allowed NFŠ ‘to sell the Stadium back to the State in case it wishes to do so. Should the beneficiary decide to exercise the option, the Stadium would become a property of the State’ (para 22). The State aid Decision also explicitly stated that ‘The construction works financed through the grant … will be subject to a competitive process, respecting the applicable procurement rules’ (para 8).

Once the stadium was built, NFŠ exercised the put option. The Slovak Government decided not to purchase the stadium and it instead challenged the compatibility with EU law of the State aid package due to a fundamental breach of procurement law. The Slovak Government argued that the agreements were null and void because, combined and from the outset, the grant agreement and AFSA would have had the unavoidable effect of getting the stadium built and transferred to the State, and thus covered up the illegal direct award of a public works contract to NFŠ. This part of the dispute concerned the definition of ‘public works contracts’ under Directive 2014/24/EU (issue 1).

Relatedly, the Slovak Government stated that despite containing explicit references to the tendering of the construction of the stadium, the State aid Decision cannot preempt a fresh assessment of the compliance of this legal structure with EU procurement rules. Perhaps surprisingly, this position was supported by the European Commission in its submissions and at the hearing, where the Commission denied that the explicit mention of compliance with procurement law formed an integral part of its assessment of the compatibility of the set of agreements with EU internal market law. This was a crucial issue and the outcome of this case could have provided much needed clarity on the extent to which the Commission does, and indeed must, take procurement law into account in the assessment of State aid measures that involve the award of public contracts. This part of the dispute thus concerns the effect of State aid decisions relating to aid packages with a procurement element (issue 2).

Finally, the Slovak State sought confirmation of the possibility of having the ineffectiveness of the grant agreement and AFSA recognised ex tunc under domestic law, without this being a breach of the Remedies Directive. This relates to the ‘strategic’ use of procurement remedies by contracting authorities that have breached procurement law (issue 3).

In this post, I will focus on issues 1 and 2.

Framing: Directive 2004/18/EC, Directive 2014/24/EU, or it does not matter?

One preliminary issue worth highlighting is that the timeline of the case created the issue whether the 2004 or the 2014 procurement Directive applied. The initial grant agreement was signed in 2013, but the final grant agreement and AFSA were signed in 2016. On this point, despite taking opposite views (AG Campos focused on the 2014 Directive, whereas the ECJ reasoned and decided in relation to the 2004 Directive), both the AG Opinion and the Judgment are aligned in considering that the choice of one Directive over the other would have limited significance because the ‘definitions of “public contract” and “public work contracts” are equivalent in the two directives’ (Opinion, para 42) and ‘the content of Article 1(2)(b) of Directive 2004/18 corresponds in substance, as regards the execution of a work corresponding to the requirements expressed by the contracting authority, to the content of Article 2(1)(6)(c) of Directive 2014/24’ (Judgment, para 36).

However, this could mask disagreement on the (implicit) relevance of the new definition of procurement inserted in Art 1(2) of Directive 2014/24, which defines it as ‘the acquisition by means of a public contract of works, supplies or services by one or more contracting authorities from economic operators chosen by those contracting authorities, whether or not the works, supplies or services are intended for a public purpose’ (emphasis added). AG Campos explicitly reasoned in terms of the need for their to be an enforceable right to acquire the works (issue 1 below), whereas the ECJ decided not to use the words acquisition or acquire in its Judgment. This could signal a potentially problematic inconsistency in the interpretation of the extent to which the requirement for there to be an ‘acquisition’ modulates the scope of application of the procurement rules. This can be particularly relevant in relation to the delineation of the scope of application of the procurement and State aid rules, in particular in relation to the ‘de-risking’ of development projects, as further discussed below.

Issue 1: ‘acquisition’ and legally enforceable rights

As mentioned above, the first issue before the Court concerned the threshold to consider that a set or collection of agreements constitute an ‘acquisition’ and are thus covered by the scope of application of the EU public procurement rules, in particular where a contractor which is also a State aid beneficiary has a put option to transfer the works to the contracting authority.

In his Opinion, AG Campos provided a summary of the relevant case law (paras 52-54) and established that, ultimately,

… in order for there to be a genuine works contract, it is essential that the successful tenderer should specifically take on the obligation to carry out the works forming the subject of the acquisition and that that obligation should be legally enforceable. The contracting authority … must acquire the immovable property on which the works are carried out and, if necessary, take legal action to compel the tenderer awarded the contract to hand the property over to it, if it holds over the use of the works a legal right enabling it to ensure that they are made available to the public’ (para 60).

AG Campos had significant concerns about the way the factual pattern of the case had been presented to the ECJ. He made it explicit that ‘a reading of the order for reference and the subsequent course of the preliminary ruling proceedings [did not allow] to form a categorical opinion on the nature of the “collection of agreements” at issue’ (para 57), and pointed out at significant difficulties to determine what legally enforceable rights derived for the Slovak State, and that ‘it is not clear what performance the Slovak State may claim from NFŠ under the grant agreement and the agreement to enter into a future sales agreement, this being a premiss which it is for the referring court to determine’ (para 58). AG Campos also stressed that nothing in the written or oral submissions ‘support the inference that the Slovak State would have any right to take legal action against NFŠ to compel it to build the stadium should that undertaking ultimately decide not to do so. The difference is that, in that event, NFŠ would not have received the grant, or would have lost it, or would be obliged to pay it back. This in itself, however, has nothing to do with the performance of a works contract.’ (para 59), and that ‘all the indications are that the agreement to enter into a future sales agreement gave NFŠ the option either to remain the owner of the stadium and continue to operate it (or assign its operation to third parties), or to transfer it the Slovak State, if it suited it to do so’ (para 62).

This led AG Campos to conclude, on this issue, that

… there are many reservations to raise as against the classification of the “collection of agreements” at issue as a genuine public works contract within the meaning of Article 2(1)(6) of Directive 2014/24. Its classification as such or otherwise will be contingent upon the referring court’s final assessment of a number of factors informing the adjudication of the case which it has itself failed to mention with sufficient clarity (para 70).

The Court took a markedly different approach.

The ECJ considered that it ‘must take account, under the division of jurisdiction between the Court and the national courts, of the factual and legislative context, as described in the order for reference, in which the questions put to it are set’ (para 31). And, in relation to establishing the existence of the elements required for there to be a “public contract”, that ‘it will be for the referring court to rule on that matter, having made the relevant findings in that regard’ (para 39). This was probably to be expected and aligns with the general case law on the matter.

However, given the concerns on the lack of clarity of the evidentiary material before the ECJ, the absence of evidence of the existence of a legally enforceable obligation to build the stadium, the admission at the hearing by the Slovak Government that the put option was unilateral and discretionary (‘both NFŠ and the Ministry of Education expressed the same view in this regard, recognising that the (unilateral) option to sell was available for NFŠ to exercise if it wished to do so’ fn 44 in AG Opinion), and the broader indications, including in the State aid Decision, that there was no enforceable obligation against NFŠ because the exercise of the put option was entirely at its discretion, as stressed in the AG Opinion and as explicitly recognised by the ECJ too (‘Decision SA.46530 states that NFŠ will remain the owner of the Slovak national football stadium after its construction, without there being any obligation to transfer ownership of that stadium to the Slovak State’, para 58), the more specific reasoning of the ECJ is surprising.

The Court focuses in particular on whether the collection of contracts were concluded ‘for pecuniary interest’. It stresses that ‘the expression “for pecuniary interest” refers to a contract by which each of the parties undertakes to provide one form of consideration in exchange for another. The synallagmatic nature of the contract is thus an essential characteristic of a public contract, which necessarily results in the creation of legally binding obligations for each of the parties to the contract, the performance of which must be legally enforceable’ (para 44). This is another restatement of the case law and, given the framing of the issues above, one would have expected the ECJ to stress at this point that the referring court is the one that needs to establish whether there are such legally enforceable obligations, perhaps stressing the elements that question such a finding as laid out in the AG Opinion.

This is not what the ECJ wrote in its Judgment. The Court said

… where a contract includes an obligation to purchase by a contracting authority without an obligation to sell devolving on the other contracting party, that absence of an obligation to sell is not necessarily sufficient to rule out the synallagmatic nature of that contract and, therefore, the existence of a public contract, since such a conclusion may, as the case may be, be reached only after an examination of all the relevant factors para 45, emphasis added).

In the present case, the referring court mentions the existence of reciprocal obligations between the Ministry of Education and NFŠ. In addition, that court states, inter alia, that the grant agreement imposes an obligation on the State to award the grant and the obligations [for NFŠ] to construct the Slovak national football stadium in accordance with the conditions specified by the Ministry of Education, to finance at least 60% of the construction costs … (para 46).

a collection of agreements binding a Member State to an economic operator and including a grant agreement and an undertaking to purchase, concluded with a view to building a football stadium, constitutes a ‘public works contract’ within the meaning of that provision, where that collection of agreements creates reciprocal obligations between that State and that economic operator, which include the obligation to construct that stadium in accordance with the conditions specified by that State and a unilateral option in favour of that economic operator corresponding to an obligation on the part of that State to purchase that stadium, and grants the same economic operator State aid recognised by the Commission as being compatible with the internal market (para 61, emphasis added).

Crucially, this conclusion of the ECJ fails to explicitly stress that ‘It is for the referring court to determine whether those circumstances are present in this case’, which the AG Opinion did include (para 96). Although the Court does mention in passing that its considerations are based on elements that are ‘subject to the verifications to be carried out by the referring court’ (para 55), by not making this explicit in the answer to the question, the ECJ raises significant questions and potential difficulties once the litigation proceeds at the domestic level.

It is also notable that the ECJ, despite fundamentally saying the same as the AG once it is clear that all relevant findings of fact and their legal implications need to be ascertained at domestic level, chose to phrase its overall conclusion as the opposite default as AG Campos.

AG Campos had proposed that the Court should find that the relevant rules

must be interpreted as meaning that a grant agreement and an agreement to enter into a future sales agreement which are concluded between a State body and a private undertaking and in which the private undertaking is granted public funds for the purpose of the construction of a sports infrastructure and is given the unilateral option of selling it to the State, respectively, cannot be classified as a public works contract if they do not give rise to a legally enforceable obligation for the State to purchase the infrastructure and if the State does not derive a direct economic benefit or has not had a decisive influence on the design of the work. It is for the referring court to determine whether those circumstances are present in this case.

This formulation created the default rule that put options are not presumptively covered by the procurement rules, and stressed the need for the domestic court to positively find application of the three cumulative criteria determinative of an acquisition covered by the procurement rules (enforceable obligations, direct economic benefit and decisive influence in the design).

Conversely, as mentioned above, at para 61 the Court found that the concept of ‘public works contract’  extended to a ‘collection of agreements creates reciprocal obligations between that State and that economic operator, which include the obligation to construct that stadium in accordance with the conditions specified by that State and a unilateral option in favour of that economic operator corresponding to an obligation on the part of that State to purchase that stadium …’.

This can create the impression that put options are presumptively covered by the procurement rules. However, in my view, this would not be an adequate reading of the case. For three reasons.

First, because the answer given by the Court in relation to the enforceable obligations is in part tainted by its failure to stress that this is subject to verification (as above).

Second, because the ECJ also made quite a peculiar distinction between the presumed obligation to build the stadium and the discretionality of the put option when it stressed, in relation to the State aid Decision, that ‘although Decision SA.46530 states that NFŠ will remain the owner of the Slovak national football stadium after its construction, without there being any obligation to transfer ownership of that stadium to the Slovak State, that decision does not mention the absence of an obligation to construct that stadium’ (para 58, emphasis added). This strongly suggests that the answer of the Court is primarily focused on the presumed obligation to build the stadium.

Third, because the ECJ’s approach to assessing the extent to which a put option creates a direct economic benefit for the contracting authority also raises some questions, as discussed below.

Issue 1: Direct economic benefit

An issue that had not featured prominently in AG Campos’ Opinion is whether the “collection of agreements” would have been to the direct economic benefit of the contracting authority. The Opinion simply stressed that it was unclear whether ‘the Slovak State obtained a direct economic benefit from the two agreements at issue … The State’s interest (and subsequent indirect benefit) seems to be confined to the generic promotion of the national sport’ (para 64).

By contrast, the Court engaged in a more detailed discussion, which it is worth reflecting in full:

… in a public works contract, the contracting authority receives a service consisting of the realisation of works which it seeks to obtain and which has a direct economic benefit for it. Such an economic benefit may be established not only where it is provided that the contracting authority is to become owner of the works or work which is the subject of the contract, but also in other situations, in particular where it is provided that the contracting authority is to hold the legal right over the use of those works, in order that they can be made available to the public.

It is apparent from the documents before the Court that, although the Slovak national football stadium belongs to NFŠ, the grant agreement limits the right to transfer ownership of that stadium to third parties, in particular by requiring prior written consent from the Slovak State in order to do so. Therefore, that State has, with regard to this stadium, in essence, a right of pre-emption with an intrinsic economic value.

The economic benefit may also lie in the economic advantages which the contracting authority may derive from the future use or transfer of the work, in the fact that it contributed financially to the realisation of the work, or in the assumption of the risks were the work to be an economic failure (see … Helmut Müller, C‑451/08, EU:C:2010:168, paragraph 52 and the case-law cited).

In the present case, as NFŠ stated in its written observations and at the hearing, the option available to it under the undertaking to purchase constitutes a guarantee against the commercial risk in the event that the Slovak national football stadium proves to be commercially unviable for it. Thus, by undertaking to purchase that stadium at the request of NFŠ, the contracting authority assumed all the risks were the work to be an economic failure (paras 47-50, emphases added).

There are two points worth discussing here. The first one concerns the pre-emption right. The second one concerns the issue of the assumption of risks. Both are relevant from the perspective of the interaction between State aid and procurement law.

First, a right of written authorization for a transfer does not amount to a pre-emption right. The State could have the right to veto a transfer without this giving it priority to acquire the asset. It could simply be that the State has the right to screen for a suitable owner of the stadium, but that the legal consequences of denying the authorization do not immediately amount to the right to acquire instead of the proposed buyer. Rejection of authorisation may solely result in NFŠ having to put forward an alternative buyer, or deciding to keep the stadium. Moreover, the ECJ does not engage in the possible logic of the pre-emption right from an economic viewpoint, which can have more to do with the State’s interest in having a say over the transfer of the stadium in potentially heavily subsidised conditions, eg to ensure that there is no circumvention of relevant sets of fiscal rules, than in relation to a potential direct acquisition of the stadium. An absence of any such reasoning by the ECJ raises significant questions on the treatment of a (presumed) pre-emption right as a direct economic benefit.

Second, the way the Court engages with Helmut Müller is in itself problematic. Not least because there seems to have been a deformation of the ‘Auroux formula’ as it has migrated through the case law of the Court. It is worth recalling that Auroux (C-220/05, EU:C:2007:31) concerned a case involving the signing of an agreement between a municipality and a special purpose vehicle with separate balance sheet to run a re-generation programme. That re-generation programme expected to make profits from the sale of real estate to third parties. The agreement foresaw that, at the end of the project, ‘Any excess on that balance sheet is to be paid to the municipality. Furthermore, the municipality automatically becomes owner of all the land and works to be transferred to third parties not yet sold’ (para 18). This is the context in which the ‘Auroux formula’ as enunciated in Helmut Müller needs to be understood. Nothing in Helmut Müller itself questions the proper understanding that there has to be a direct positive economic benefit arising for the contracting authority—if anything, the opposite is true.

However, in NFŠ, paras 49 and 50 of the Judgment seem to suggest that ‘the assumption of the risks were the work to be an economic failure’ can in itself amount to an economic benefit. This makes no plain sense, as the assumption of such risks is clearly an economic disbenefit or liability for the State. Moreover, it does not make sense in the context of Auroux itself, where the economic benefit consisted of ‘the economic advantages which the contracting authority may derive from the future use or transfer of the work’, as the municipality was indeed entitled to potential profits of the sales to third parties, as well as in line to immediately acquire any unsold real estate. The reason why the municipality could obtain such benefits or, in other words, the consideration given to the developer consisted in its financing and the de-risking the project—but that did not turn the financing or de-risking themselves into economic benefits!

It is thus important to stress that the State has to derive a positive economic benefit or advantage, such as sharing in the revenues of the transfer of assets, or getting to use them. In the NFŠ case, the Slovak State would neither participate in the proceeds from the sale of the stadium to a third party, nor have the right to use the stadium. Quite which economic benefit the Court identified is thus also unclear—if not plainly incorrect. This is important from the perspective of the substantive interaction of procurement and State aid rules, especially bearing in mind that State aid related to infrastructure tends to imply a mix of measures concerning the financing and de-risking of development projects. If taking risks was by itself to be considered as obtaining an economic advantage, the potential subjection of a significant number of State aid measures to procurement would be a clear risk. It would, however, be at odds with the general approach of Directive 2014/24/EU. We should not lose sight from the fact that, as AG Campos stressed in his Opinion ‘the mere grant of a State subsidy involving the movement of public funds … does not in itself amount to the conclusion of a public works contract. As recital 4 of Directive 2014/24 states, “the Union rules on public procurement are not intended to cover all forms of disbursement of public funds, but only those aimed at the acquisition of works, supplies or services for consideration by means of a public contract”’ (para 48, emphasis in the original). By the same token, not all forms of de-risking of infrastructure projects are necessarily covered by public procurement law.

Issue 2: Prior approval of the State aid measure

The second relevant issue on which the Judgment could have provided clarity concerns the extent to which the prior approval by the European Commission of a State aid measure explicitly detailing a strategy to comply with EU public procurement law should bind future assessments of compliance with those rules. In that regard, the Opinion had been clear and ambitious, when AG Campos stated that

The Commission can actively intervene in defence of competition where public procurement does not comply with the rules laid down in, inter alia, Directive 2014/24 in order to safeguard this objective. I do not see any reason why it should not do so when faced with an examination of the viability of State aid measures resulting from agreements concluded by public authorities with private entities.

In particular, it is my view that the Commission could not have failed to examine whether the form in which the public aid granted to NFŠ was structured masked the existence of a public contract which should have been put out to tender. To my mind, it did so implicitly, which explains paragraph 8 of its Decision SA.46530.

In short, Decision SA.46530 is based on the premiss that there was no obligation to transfer ownership of the stadium to the Slovak Republic. That assumption, to which I have already referred, cannot be called into question by the referring court, which must respect the Commission’s assessment of the factors determining the existence of State aid (paras 77-79, emphasis added but underlined emphasis in the original).

By contrast, the ECJ fudged the issue by stating that

… it should be noted that it is true that national courts must refrain from taking decisions running counter to a Commission decision on the compatibility of State aid with the internal market, the assessment of which falls within the exclusive competence of that institution, subject to review by the Courts of the European Union … However, assessments which might implicitly follow from a decision of that institution relating to State aid cannot, in principle, be binding on the national courts in a dispute, such as that in the main proceedings, which is unrelated to the compatibility of that aid with the internal market (para 59, emphasis added).

This deserves some comments.

First, the suggestion by the ECJ that the fact that the assessment of the compatibility with EU law would arise only implicitly from the State aid decision and thus could not be relied on is problematic. Mainly, because it is at odds with previous case law and, in particular, with the position that the Commission can discharge its obligations to assess State aid measure’s compatibility with other fundamental provisions of EU internal market law, including secondary EU law, by implication. For example, in Castelnou Energía, the General Court accepted that the consideration of those rules can be implicit if the reasoning of the Commission refers to those other rules of secondary EU law and they feature in its analysis (T-57/11, EU:T:2014:1021, at para 185). Therefore, an implicit assessment would suffice where compliance with EU procurement rules include a reference to those rules and it features in the Commission’s State aid analysis. This was the case in NFŠ, where the Commission had explicitly stated that ‘The construction works financed through the grant … will be subject to a competitive process, respecting the applicable procurement rules’ (SA.46530, at para 8).

Second, this statement comes to create problems in domestic litigation where an argument is made that a dispute in a case concerning State aid concerns issues ‘unrelated to the compatibility of that aid with the internal market’, as it will many times be the case that compatibility is not primary reason why the measure is challenged, but the Commission will have taken it into account in its assessment. If anything, limiting the bindingness of Commission State aid decisions in this way erodes the monopoly of application of State aid rules given to the Commission in Art 108(3) TFEU.

Final thoughts: obiter dicta?

The analysis above has hopefully shown how the NFŠ Judgment can be problematic. However, I submit that, on a proper interpretation of the case and relevant precedent in their circumstances, most of the problematic statements need to be taken as obiter dicta because they are not backed by the facts of the case and, therefore, constitute general statements made in passing by the Court that cannot alter the relevant position of these issues under EU law.

First, I have highlighted how it is problematic for the NFŠ Judgment to suggest that put options are presumptively covered by the procurement rules (para 61). This is because such suggestion is in reality mixed up with a presumption of an obligation to build the infrastructure over which (at the very least) significant questions loom large. To me, it seems clear that the Judgment accepts that it is not the position under EU procurement law that a purely unilateral option to sell that is not enforceable by the contracting authority does not meet the requirement to establish legal obligations. However, the formulation used by the ECJ and the omission of the precision that establishing whether any legal obligations were created in the case is for the national courts, is confusing in this regard.

Second, and still on the issue of NFŠ’s transfer rights, I have also highlighted how the suggestion that a requirement for written authorisation of a sale to a third party implies a pre-emption right that has intrinsic economic value (para 48) is also problematic. On this, much more detailed legal analysis of the specific content of rights arising from the requirement for such authorization would be required. And, once again, this would be for the national courts.

Third, I have highlighted how a maximalistic and de-contextualised approach to understanding that de-risking infrastructure projects (para 50) could in itself constitute an economic benefit would also very problematic. I have suggested that a proper understanding of the ‘Auroux formula’ as enunciated in Helmut Müller must always imply the existence of a positive economic benefit, and that it cannot be conflated with the disbenefit or liability accepted by the contracting authority or State aid grantor as potential consideration for such (future) economic benefit.

Finally, I have highlighted how the suggestion that implicit assessments of compatibility with EU procurement law contained in State aid decisions cannot be relied on (para 59) is also problematic and at odds with existing case law. More generally, a partitioning or limitation of the types of disputes over which a Commission State aid decision has binding effects is undesirable.

How to get out of these potential problems, then?

The way forward requires paying close attention to the circumstances of the NFŠ case.

On the first issue, the ECJ itself was clear that the Commission had accepted that ‘Decision SA.46530 states that NFŠ will remain the owner of the Slovak national football stadium after its construction, without there being any obligation to transfer ownership of that stadium to the Slovak State’ (para 58) and the AG had documented that ‘both NFŠ and the Ministry of Education expressed the same view in this regard, recognising that the (unilateral) option to sell was available for NFŠ to exercise if it wished to do so’ (AG at fn 44). It is thus not in dispute that the put option did not create any legally enforceable obligation. Therefore, a suggestion that a put option could presumptively create legal obligations and thus be caught by the procurement rules has no relation to the facts of the case and needs to be taken as obiter dictum.

In NFŠ, the core obligation the Court takes issue with concerns the primary obligation to build the stadium. However, on that issue, even if not clearly, the ECJ has not deviated from the EU law position that ascertaining the existence of legal obligations is a matter for the domestic courts (para 31).

The second issue goes away on the basis of the same principle. Simply put, the ECJ has no jurisdiction to assess that by virtue of NFŠ’s obligation to require prior written consent from the Slovak State to transfer ownership of that stadium to third parties ‘that State has, with regard to this stadium, in essence, a right of pre-emption with an intrinsic economic value’ (para 48). This is a matter for the national courts and, consequently and at most, the ECJ statement can only be seen as an obiter dictum.

The third issue also concerns an obiter dictum approach by the Court. At its core, the Auroux line of case law is irrelevant to NFŠ to the extent that both cases can be clearly distinguished. In Auroux, the contracting authority was in line to share in the above agreed balance sheet benefits and/or to acquire unsold real estate. In NFŠ, there was no right to participate in the future transfer of the stadium to third parties. Therefore, all other statements as to how the precedent would apply to the case hand if the case at hand was different must also be considered an obiter dictum.

Finally, the position that implicit assessments of compatibility with EU law in State aid decisions cannot be relied on in relation to disputes about anything other than the compatibility of the aid is also not of relevance of the case because, in reality, the “collection of agreements” constituted the State aid measure and challenging it for breach of fundamental rules of internal market law is nothing else than challenging its compatibility with the internal market. Therefore, this statement is also obiter dictum.

Overall, it seems to me that the NFŠ Judgment is problematic in the ways in fails to provide clarity on the interaction between State aid control and public procurement law. At the same time, its legal value is limited because it does not really deviate from established precedent and, in the areas where it would suggest it does, it would do so in deviation from the facts of the case at hand. It is regrettable that the Court decided not to follow the much clearer and productive proposals advanced by AG Campos in this instance.

A good excuse? Delaying the Procurement Act 2023 to make procurement mission-oriented

The UK has been in a long process of procurement law reform that was due to kick in on 28 October 2024, following a 6-month ‘go live’ notice for the Procurement Act 2023. Today, a 4-month delay has been announced and the new UK procurement rules will only enter into force on 24 February 2025 (barring any further delays).

This announcement follows speculation (on LinkedIn) that a delay was necessary because the digital platform underpinning the new system would not have been ready on time. However, the reasons given by Cabinet Office point in a different direction. In the statement, the UK Government has indicated that, under the Procurement Act 2023,

… the previous administration (the Conservative government) published a National Procurement Policy Statement [this one] to which contracting authorities will have to have regard. But this Statement does not meet the challenge of applying the full potential of public procurement to deliver value for money, economic growth, and social value. [The Government has] therefore taken the decision to begin the vital work of producing a new National Procurement Policy Statement that clearly sets out this Government’s priorities for public procurement in support of our missions.

It is crucial that the new regime in the Procurement Act goes live with a bold and ambitious Statement that drives delivery of the Government’s missions, and therefore, I am proposing a short delay to the commencement of the Act to February 2025 so this work can be completed.

To be honest, I do not find this justification very convincing — whether it is a curtain to cover problems with the digital platform or not. This is because the National Procurement Policy Statement (NPPS) is bound to play a very minor role in procurement practice, given the awkward position it has within the set of duties arising from the Procurement Act 2023—as I explore in detail here. Moreover, the NPPS is by design bound to change in the future (especially when there is a change of government), but future changes to the NPPS will not trigger the sort of pause that is being implemented now. And, finally, pushing back the entry into force of the Procurement Act 2023 and the associated NPPS leaves is in the current default, where the previous iteration of the NPPS (this one, also by a Conservative government—I know, confusing, so let’s call it the ‘old’ NPPS) is supposed to be guiding procurement decisions. So, stopping the entry into force of the new NPPS to leave the old NPPS is not precisely going to create any change in policy and practice between now and February 2025 (even assuming the NPPS has policy delivery potential).

For me, this move and delay is concerning because it shows how the incoming Government places excessive hopes on procurement, and the NPPS in particular, as a policy delivery tool. More than ever, this stresses the need to have a serious conversation about the limits of procurement law and the need for hard law in many areas (starting with tackling climate change and supporting a just environmental transition) if we are to unlock the change we need at the required pace.

Articulating the public interest in procurement law and policy

Earlier this year, I had some very interesting conversations with Bristol colleagues about the relationship between law, regulation, and the public interest. These conversations led to a series of blog posts that are being published in our Law School blog.

This prompted me to think a bit more in detail about how the public interest is articulated in public procurement law and policy. Eventually, I wrote a draft paper based on the review of procurement goals embedded in the UK’s new Procurement Act 2023, which will enter into force next month (on 28 October 2023).

I presented the paper at the SLS conference today (the slides are available here) and had some initial positive feedback. I would be interested in additional feedback before I submit it for peer review.

As always, comments warmly welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk. The abstract is as follows:

In this paper, I explore the notion of public interest embedded in the Procurement Act 2023. I use this new piece of legislation as a contemporary example of the difficulty in designing a 'public interest centred' system of public procurement regulation. I show how a mix of explicit, referential, and implicit public interest objectives results in a situation where there are multiple sources of objectives contracting authorities need to consider in their decision-making, but there is no prioritisation of sources or objectives. I also show that, despite this proliferation of sources and objectives and due to the unavailability of effective means of judicial challenge or administrative oversight, contracting authorities retain almost unlimited discretion to shape the public interest and 'what it looks like' in relation to the award of each public contract. I conclude with a reflection the need to reconsider the ways in which public procurement can foster the public interest, in light of its limitations as a regulatory tool.

Creating (positive) friction in AI procurement

I had the opportunity to participate in the Inaugural AI Commercial Lifecycle and Procurement Summit 2024 hosted by Curshaw. This was a very interesting ‘unconference’ where participants offered to lead sessions on topics they wanted to talk about. I led a session on ‘Creating friction in AI procurement’.

This was clearly a counterintuitive way of thinking about AI and procurement, given that the ‘big promise’ of AI is that it will reduce friction (eg through automation, and/or delegation of ‘non-value-added’ tasks). Why would I want to create friction in this context?

The first clarification I was thus asked for was whether this was about ‘good friction’ (as opposed to old bad ‘red tape’ kind of friction), which of course it was (?!), and the second, what do I mean by friction.

My recent research on AI procurement (eg here and here for the book-long treatment) has led me to conclude that we need to slow down the process of public sector AI adoption and to create mechanisms that bring back to the table the ‘non-AI’ option and several ‘stop project’ or ‘deal breaker’ trumps to push back against the tidal wave of unavoidability that seems to dominate all discussions on public sector digitalisation. My preferred solution is to do so through a system of permissioning or licencing administered by an independent authority—but I am aware and willing to concede that there is no political will for it. I thus started thinking about second-best approaches to slowing public sector AI procurement. This is how I got to the idea of friction.

By creating friction, I mean the need for a structured decision-making process that allows for collective deliberation within and around the adopting institution, and which is supported by rigorous impact assessments that tease out second and third order implications from AI adoption, as well as thoroughly interrogating first order issues around data quality and governance, technological governance and organisational capability, in particular around risk management and mitigation. This is complementary—but hopefully goes beyond—emerging frameworks to determine organisational ‘risk appetite’ for AI procurement, such as that developed by the AI Procurement Lab and the Centre for Inclusive Change.

The conversations the focus on ‘good friction’ moved in different directions, but there are some takeaways and ideas that stuck with me (or I managed to jot down in my notes while chatting to others), such as (in no particular order of importance or potential):

  • the potential for ‘AI minimisation’ or ‘non-AI equivalence’ to test the need for (specific) AI solutions—if you can sufficiently approximate, or replicate, the same functional outcome without AI, or with a simpler type of AI, why not do it that way?;

  • the need for a structured catalogue of solutions (and components of solutions) that are already available (sometimes in open access, where there is lots of duplication) to inform such considerations;

  • the importance of asking whether procuring AI is driven by considerations such as availability of funding (is this funded if done with AI but not funded, or hard to fund at the same level, if done in other ways?), which can clearly skew decision-making—the importance of considering the effects of ‘digital industrial policy’ on decision-making;

  • the power (and relevance) of the deceptively simple question ‘is there an interdisciplinary team to be dedicated to this, and exclusively to this’?;

  • the importance of knowledge and understanding of the tech and its implications from the beginning, and of expertise in the translation of technical and governance requirements into procurement requirements, to avoid ‘games of chance’ whereby the use of ‘trendy terms’ (such as ‘agile’ or ‘responsible’) may or may not lead to the award of the contract to the best-placed and best-fitting (tech) provider;

  • the possibility to adapt civic monitoring or social witnessing mechanisms used in other contexts, such as large infrastructure projects, to be embedded in contract performance and auditing phases;

  • the importance of understanding displacement effects and whether deploying a solution (AI or automation, or similar) to deal with a bottleneck will simply displace the issue to another (new) bottleneck somewhere along the process;

  • the importance of understanding the broader organisational changes required to capture the hoped for (productivity) gains arising from the tech deployment;

  • the importance of carefully considering and resourcing the much needed engagement of the ‘intelligent person’ that needs to check the design and outputs of the AI, including frontline workers and those at the receiving end of the relevant decisions or processes and the affected communities—the importance of creating meaningful and effective deliberative engagement mechanisms;

  • relatedly, the need to ensure organisational engagement and alignment at every level and every step of the AI (pre)procurement process (on which I would recommend reading this recent piece by Kawakami and colleagues);

  • the need to assess the impacts of changes in scale, complexity, and error exposure;

  • the need to create adequate circuit-breakers throughout the process.

Certainly lots to reflect on and try to embed in future research and outreach efforts. Thanks to all those who participated in the conversation, and to those interested in joining it. A structured way to do so is through this LinkedIn group.

'Pro bono' or 'land and expand'? -- problematic 'zero-value' or 'free' contracts for digital innovation

Max Gruber / Better Images of AI / Banana / Plant / Flask / CC-BY 4.0.

The UK’s Ministry of Justice recently held an 8-day competition to select a software and programming consultancy to carry out a ‘pro-bono proof-of-concept process to explore methods for human-in-the-loop triage through GenAI’ (let’s not get bogged down on the technical details…).

This opportunity was not advertised under public procurement rules because the Ministry of Justice estimated the value of the contract at £0, as there would be no (direct, monetary) payments to the consultancy; it was clear that this would be ‘a pro bono contract. The [proof-of-concept] is expected to be completed in a 6 to 8 week period.’

Although the notice made it clear that the Ministry of Justice does ‘not anticipate that this project will be followed by further procurement on future development using the AI human in the loop triage’, because the main purpose is to ‘help accelerate existing work, test and prove different solutions/tools, share learning to help inform future work and designs, and transfer skills back into the [in-house] team throughout’—this approach seems problematic, in at least two ways.

First, it raises questions on whether, even as a ‘non-procurement’ opportunity, this was carried out in a proper way aligned with best practice. An 8-day window to express interest seems very short, especially as potentially interested consultants/consultancies were given very limited information to estimate the scope of works and understand the cost (to them) of supporting the development of the proof-of-concept on a pro bono basis.

At the same time, meeting the ‘minimalistic’ selection criteria and technical requirements could have been tricky, especially in such short time scale, as they contained some aspects that would have been difficult or impossible to meet other than by entities that already met the requirements at the time of the notice (eg obtaining BPSS security clearance is presumably not instantaneous) and were very familiar with the open source and other design standards referred to.

It does not seem unreasonable to suspect that the Ministry of Justice may have been in prior talks with some company/ies potentially interested in providing those pro bono services and that this created an insider advantage in making sense of the otherwise seemingly insufficient details given in the notice. This would make a mockery of the advertisement of the opportunity, even if not under procurement rules.

Cynically, it is also not clear what would happen if the current view changed and the Ministry later decided to procure the further stages of development — for seeking external input already at proof-of-concept stage (strongly) suggests that the in-house teams do not have (confidence in their) digital skills as required to carry out such digital innovation work.

In that case, an argument could be made that only the consultancy that participated in the proof-of-concept could provide the services for some specific technical / know how reason and that could seek to be used as justification for a direct award. This is a non-trivial risk. Even if this was not the case, a further procurement would create significant issues of prior involvement and would require deploying complicated solutions to try to neutralise the advantage gained by the consultancy. Overall, this does not seem like a fool-proof way of managing early collaborations in digital innovation projects.

Second, and perhaps more controversially, it is also not entirely clear to me that the contract would actually have ‘zero-value’ for the consultancy and was thus not really covered by the procurement rules.

The notice makes it clear that the Ministry of Justice would seek to retain the knowledge arising from the pilot by sharing it ‘within internal teams who can carry on building on top of the deliverables, but also with the wider teams that that are interested in using these new tools.’ However, this does not mean that the consultancy will not acquire potentially (almost) exclusive rights over the knowledge vis-à-vis third parties. There is no indication that the Ministry of Justice will publish the outcome of the project and, consequently, there seems to be no obstacle to the contribution of the Ministry being appropriated and incorporated into the consultancy’s know how (or future IP).

On close analysis of the terms of the ‘opportunity’ advertised by the Ministry of Justice, it is also clear that the Ministry would make available ‘A limited number of redacted example cases [to] be used for experimentation’ and that the consultant would be given access to the Ministry’s then current thinking and expertise on the project. These can also be valuable non-monetary assets on their own.

All in all, this is in itself worrying and raises questions on whether this was actually a £0 contract (from the perspective of the consultancy). Two legal aspects are relevant here. First, (partly pre-Brexit) ECJ case law distinguishes between pecuniary interest and monetary payments (IBA Molecular Italy and Tax-Fin-Lex), and stresses that ‘It is clear from the usual legal meaning of “for pecuniary interest” that those terms designate a contract by which each of the parties undertakes to provide a service in exchange for another’ (IBA Molecular Italy, C‑606/17, EU:C:2018:843, para 28). Whether this case—through the mix of access to anonymised examples, access to in-house know-how and possibility to retain know-how over the proof-of-concept and related learning vis-à-vis third parties—crosses the threshold and would have required advertising as a ‘procurement’ opportunity is at least arguable.

Second, this was clearly always going to be a ‘loss’ contract for the ‘pro bono volunteer’, and the fact that it is advertised as ‘pro bono’ solely masks the fact that the Ministry (a contracting authority in general terms) imposed on tenderers a requirement to submit abnormally low tenders. This raises questions on ‘mixed pro bono’ justifications that could be put forward in other cases to justify that a very low-cost tender is not actually abnormally low, but in the context of a procurement estimated at a value above the relevant threshold. Such justifications would in principle seem impermissible and, more generally, there are very big questions as to why the public sector should be seeking to obtain ‘free consultancy’—other than through fully open mechanisms, such as eg hackatons (is that still a thing) or other sorts of non-procurement competitions.

Which leads to the related question why would anyone willingly enter into such a contract? At least a partial explanation is that the ‘pro bono volunteer’ would most likely see a possible market advantage—for there are endless possibilities to carry out pro bono work otherwise. If not in this case, in most cases where similar conditions arise, there is a clear ‘marketing’ drive that can be masked as pro bono generosity. This can easily become an embedded element of strategies to ‘land and conquer’, or to build a portfolio of pro bono projects that is later used eg to demonstrate technical capability for qualitative selection purposes in future procurement processes (with other contracting authorities).

Overall, I think this is an example of worrying trends in the (side-stepping of) ‘procurement’ of digital innovation support services, and that such trends should be resisted. Only proper procurement processes and robust guardrails to safeguard from the risks of capture, competitive distortion and more generally long-term difficulties in ensuring competitive tension for digital innovation contracts, can minimise the consequences of arrangements that seem too good to be true.