Bordering the irresponsible: Commission's Q&A on third country access to EU procurement post-Kolin/Qingdao

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In the aftermath of the CJEU’s Judgments in Kolin (C-652/22, EU:C:2024:910) and Qingdao (C-266/22, EU:C:2025:178), there was much anticipation about a guidance document being prepared by the European Commission to address some of the many, complex, consequential issues left open by the Court (see comment here).

The Q&A-type guidance document was published by the Commission late last week. The document has already been the object of analysis and deserved criticism, eg by Marko Turudić and Pedro Telles. They both comment on most aspects of the document in detail, and make good points.

In this post, I focus on two issues arising from the document and link them to first principles of procurement, as well as the broader layers of regulation beyond the EU.

two Extremely problematic assertions

In the Q&A document, the Commission makes two extremely problematic assertions. First, on the level of transparency to be afforded to decisions on participation and, if applicable, differential treatment of third country operators. Second, on the ‘severability’ of EU, national (and international) principles-based requirements.

Transparency requirements

The Q&A document states as follows:

Contracting authorities may indicate in advance in the tender documents their decision to accept or not participation of non-covered third country economic operators and, if they admit them, the arrangements applicable to their tenders.

They may also decide not to make this known in advance. In the absence of any reference to this matter in the contract notice / tender specifications, the contracting authority / entity still has the possibility to accept or to reject a tender from an economic operator from a non-covered country at any moment during the procurement process (answer to Q5.3, emphasis added).

‘Severability’ of legal principles by their ‘origin’

The Q&A document also states that:

Economic operators from non-covered countries do not enjoy any rights deriving from EU public procurement law, including requirements for transparency and proportionality enshrined in EU law and transposed into the national legal order. It is open to competent national authorities to identify other national provisions (not transposing EU public procurement law) on which such economic operators might rely (answer to Q6.2).

And that, in ensuring compliance with the principle of the rule of law ‘Contracting authorities/ entities may base themselves on national legislation that does not transpose EU law’ (answer to Q6.4) and, further, that ‘any possible issue of compliance with the ECHR would concern national law only and would be unrelated to any instance of implementation of EU law by a Member State’ (answer to Q6.5, emphasis added).

Overall position

Combined, this sets out the combined position that (i) contracting authorities can make decisions based on undisclosed criteria at any point in the procurement process and that (ii) any transparency, etc requirements in relation to those criteria or those decisions can only stem from domestic legislation not transposing EU public procurement law / unrelated to any instance of implementation of EU law.

The CJEU benchmark

A first issue is that, in my view, the Commission’s assertions only partially follow from the Kolin and Qingdao judgments. It is thus worth recalling what the CJEU said. In Kolin, the Court established that:

‘While it is conceivable that the arrangements for treatment of such operators should comply with certain requirements, such as transparency or proportionality, an action by one of those operators seeking to complain that the contracting entity has infringed such requirements can be examined only in the light of national law and not of EU law’ (C-652/22, para 66).

In Qingdao, the Court stated that:

‘While it is conceivable that those treatment arrangements should comply with certain principles and requirements, such as the principle of protection of legitimate expectations and of legal certainty, an action raising a complaint that the contracting authority has infringed those principles can be examined only in the light of national law and not of EU law’ (C-266/22, para 66).

an alternative (less questionable?) interpretation

As we can see, the CJEU did not establish any hard boundary on the relationship between the national and EU law rules containing reference to the principles of protection of legitimate expectations and of legal certainty, or (the requirements) of transparency and proportionality. The CJEU said that the principles as enshrined in EU law could not be relied on. An alternative, domestic source would be needed. The CJEU was (almost) clear in accepting that (it is conceivable that) arrangements for the treatment of third country economic operators had to comply with transparency, proportionality etc requirement, but not as a matter of EU law.

A modestly and sensibly creative interpretation of the CJEU judgments would thus seek not to exclude protection afforded by homonymous principles and requirements, whether they are enshrined in the exact same domestic rules or not, as long as the applicability of the principles had a justification in a legal source other than EU law. This is not the same as demanding that an entirely separate (formulation of the) principle (to the same effect) exists. It simply requires that there is an alternative source of the requirement to abide by the given principle or requirement.

And there are at least two such general sources. First, the United Nations’ Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) offers one such source in requiring that ‘Each State Party …, in accordance with the fundamental principles of its legal system, take[s] the necessary steps to establish appropriate systems of procurement, based on transparency, competition and objective criteria in decision-making, that are effective, inter alia, in preventing corruption’, with a requirement for such systems to explicitly address issues of transparency, establishment in advance of conditions for participation, and access to an effective system of domestic review’ (Art 9.1). Second, the ECHR provides the right to fair trial (Art 6).

Such an approach would have allowed some space for Member States to continue complying with basic requirements of administrative law and procurement regulation while the mess created by the Kolin and Qingdao judgments gets sorted out through EU procurement legislation. Any arguments that such course of action would detract from the effet utile of EU law would seem destined to fail, given that the CJEU had already accepted that participation by third country operators was possible and that equal treatment was also possible—just not as a matter of EU law. The Kolin/Qingdao could have been bracketed as an issue of competence and the true effectiveness of the case law been pushed to the reform of the directives in a much less disruptive manner.

Conversely, the Commission’s extreme interpretation seeks to wipe out such space for manoeuvre in requiring that the source of law demanding certainty, protection of legitimate expectations, transparency or proportionality has nothing to do and is entirely unrelated with the transposition of EU law. This is an impossible threshold to cross, as there will be no jurisdiction that has a set of procurement legislation to implement EU law, another one to comply with UNCAC, another one to comply with the ECHR, etc.

In fact, as EU procurement law is itself adjusted to those international standards and requirements, the transposition of the EU directives has been the mechanism to ensure compliance with all these layers of procurement regulation. This is a situation that is simply impossible to unbundle. Suggesting otherwise verges on the irresponsible, as it places contracting authorities in a position to breach a wide array of international and domestic rules, as well as creating significant corruption risks.

Corruption risks

Setting issue of legal interpretation aside for a moment, perhaps the most problematic part of the Q&A document is the second paragraph of the answer to question 5.3, where the Commission indicates that contracting authorities may ‘decide not to make [their decision to accept or not participation of non-covered third country economic operators and, if they admit them, the arrangements applicable to their tenders] known in advance. In the absence of any reference to this matter in the contract notice / tender specifications, the contracting authority / entity still has the possibility to accept or to reject a tender from an economic operator from a non-covered country at any moment during the procurement process‘. Crucially, the European Commission forgot to open (or close) the sentence with the all important caveat that this is (at best) the position solely for the purposes of EU law.

In my view, there is no question that a contracting authority that decided to operate in this manner would be in breach of UNCAC and a variety of constitutional level provisions (regardless of the specific EU jurisdiction we want to focus on).

And, more importantly, a contracting authority that decided to behave in this manner would be exposing itself to potentially significant corruption risks. Lack of transparency and not formulating the criteria to be applied in procurement decision-making at the point of launching the procedure not only reserves the contracting authority unlimited discretion and thus triggers the risk of arbitrariness in decision-making. More problematically, it exposes key decision-makers to pressure and to risks of corruption — either by the ‘covered’ entities seeking to persuade it to exclude the tender/s by the third country operator/s, or by the latter seeking the opposite, or both.

the bigger picture

Ultimately, the Kolin/Qingdao saga and this Q&A show that we are at risk of losing sight of the bigger picture. Procurement rules are not only, or even primarily, about trade liberalisation. They are essential tools of good governance and a source of discipline and integrity in the expenditure of public funds. Given their importance, multiple layers of procurement regulation are overlaid and, while they vary in their details, they all share the same core principles and fundamentals. Seeking to deviate from these, or to limit them to one and only one of those layers of regulation can simply not work.

It should also be clear that, as a matter of bigger picture, the inconvenience that sometimes comes from complying with the rule of law and other constitutional-level guarantees should possibly create constraints and difficulties in the implementation and rollout of EU (common) policy, as it does at national level. The Kolin/Qingdao saga and this Q&A can only be read as a prioritisation of the common commercial policy over good administration and rule of law considerations. It does not paint a pretty picture and it does not signal a particularly strong commitment to one of the fundamental values of the Union, to be frank.

The bigger picture is too that the CJEU had (at least) two ways of addressing these issues. One would be to impose a full ban on participation by non-covered third country operators. The other would be to have been more accepting of the limitations of ‘policy-making by judgment’ and to have openly stated that, once a third country operator has not been excluded, legal protections follow. By setting such shaky foundations as the Kolin/Qingdao case law, the CJEU enables the European Commission to make unhelpful interventions such as this one. The other part of the bigger picture is, as well, that the European Commission is willing to take exactly zero risks and that, in this extreme risk aversion, it can come to exacerbate problems arising from the case law.

UK Procurement Bill, general principles and additivity -- why there is no such risk

© hehaden / Flickr.

Those following the commentary on the UK Procurement Bill will have noticed the discussions concerning the absence of a clause on the general principles of procurement [see e.g. K McGaughey, ‘Losing your principles – some early thoughts on the Procurement Bill’ (13 May 2022) http://shorturl.at/tFJP2]. In fact, there is already a proposed amendment by Baroness Hayman seeking to introduce the principles as initially envisaged in the green paper, which risks losing the additions that resulted from the public consultation. However, it is not certain that the amendment will make it to the final version of the future Act. One of the reasons behind resisting the inclusion of general principles seems to be a concern by legislative drafters that it would generate additivity — which I understand as the risk of creating self-standing obligations beyond those explicitly imposed by the specific provisions of the primary (and future secondary) legislation.

In my view, the inclusion of general principles cannot generate such a risk of additivity, as the role and function of those principles is to act as interpretive guides for the provisions in the legislation. They can hardly be seen as gap fillers or generators of self-standing obligations. Conversely, the absence of such general principles can be problematic, not only for creating a vacuum of interpretive guidance, but also for seemingly signalling a deviation from global standards.

Below are the reasons why I think the general principles of procurement, and in particular those of transparency and competition, should be included in an amended Bill before it completes its Parliamentary procedure.

General principles as global standards

Transparency and competition are crucial and intertwined general principles and/or goals in every procurement legislative framework. However, both are missing in the Procurement Bill, which thus lags international standards and best practice.

The fundamental importance of transparency and competition is recognised at the higher level of international legislation, starting with the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), which Article 9(1) explicitly requires signatory States (including the UK) to ‘take the necessary steps to establish appropriate systems of procurement, based on transparency, competition and objective criteria in decision-making, that are effective, inter alia, in preventing corruption’.

The same applies to the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (WTO GPA), which explicitly links to UNCAC and translates its requirements into Art IV(4), which binds its parties (including the UK) to ensure that ‘A procuring entity shall conduct covered procurement in a transparent and impartial manner that: a) is consistent with this Agreement, using methods such as open tendering, selective tendering and limited tendering; b) avoids conflicts of interest; and c) prevents corrupt practices’.

There should thus be no question that the UK is bound under international law to ensure that its procurement is based on principles of transparency, competition and objectivity.

The UNCITRAL Model Law on public procurement also places transparency as a general goal amongst the overarching objectives of any domestic legislation enacting it. The preamble clearly sets out that the enacting State: ‘considers it desirable to regulate procurement so as to promote the objectives of: … (c) Promoting competition among suppliers and contractors for the supply of the subject matter of the procurement; … [and] (f) Achieving transparency in the procedures relating to procurement.’ Even if the Procurement Bill is not enacting the UNCITRAL Model Law, it can reasonably be expected to meet the best practices it highlights, not least because this is a benchmark that will be used to assess the quality of the UK procurement legislation post-reform.

Inclusion of the principle of transparency in the Bill

The intended inclusion of a principle/goal of transparency was clear in the Transforming Public Procurement Green Paper of December 2020 (para 27), and there was no indication of a change of position in the government’s response to the public consultation in December 2021 (para 33). Moreover, the response clarified that ‘The transparency principle previously proposed will set a minimum standard in terms of the quality and accessibility of information where there is a publication obligation elsewhere in the Bill’ (para 35).

The inclusion of an explicit principle of transparency was thus not meant to (or arguably capable of) generating additional self-standing obligations, but simply to establish an interpretive guideline in line with international obligations and best practice benchmarks. If there are concerns that the principle can in itself generate additivity over and above the specific transparency obligations in the Bill, it should be stressed that the existence of an explicit principle of transparency in the Public Contracts Regulations 2015 (reg.18(1)) has not led to an expansion of the transparency duties under the current regime. To the contrary, where such expansion has arguably taken place, it has been on the basis of common law doctrines (see e.g. R (Good Law Project & Others) v Secretary of State for Health and Social Care [2021] EWHC 346 (Admin) [at 132 ff]). 

Moreover, there are safeguards in the Bill preventing a maximalist interpretation of transparency requirements. Clause 85 (General exemptions from duties to publish or disclose information) affords the government the possibility to withhold information for specific purposes. This would thus ensure that there is no risk of additivity from the inclusion of a general principle dictating that data should be made transparent.

The inclusion of the principle of transparency has been supported by the entire spectrum of academic commentators, including those of a pro-deregulation persuasion (e.g. S Arrowsmith ‘Transforming Public Procurement Law after Brexit: Early Reflections on the Government’s Green Paper’ (Dec 2020) at 4). I have also stressed how, in the absence of a reform of e.g. the Freedom of Information Act 2000, the inclusion of a transparency principle will not generate meaningful practical changes to the existing disclosure obligations (e.g. A Sanchez-Graells, ‘The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication?’ (Jan 2021) at 6).

Inclusion of the principle of competition in the Bill

The principle of competition was not included in the Transforming Public Procurement Green Paper of December 2020. However, following submissions by the Competition and Markets Authority and commentators such as myself (see here for details), the government’s response to the public consultation of December 2021 indicated in no ambiguous terms that ‘We will introduce an additional objective of promoting the importance of open and fair competition that will draw together a number of different threads in the Green Paper that encourage competitive procurement’ (para 39).

The inclusion of an explicit principle of competition was thus also not meant to (or arguably capable of) generating additional self-standing obligations, but simply to establish an interpretive guideline in line with international obligations and best practice benchmarks. Similarly to the analysis above in relation to the principle of transparency, the existence of a principle of competition (or a narrower prohibition on the artificial narrowing of competition, as others interpret it) can hardly be seen as capable of generating self-standing obligations (for discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, ‘Initial comments on the UK’s Procurement Bill: A lukewarm assessment’ (May 2022) 7).

Even where recent UK case law has derived obligations from general principles (R (Good Law Project and EveryDoctor) v Secretary of State for Health and Social Care [2022] EWHC 46 (TCC)), the obligations did not derive from the principle of competition, or the other principles (especially equal treatment) themselves, but from an essentialisation of the general requirements of procurement leading to the identification of ‘an irreducible minimum standard of objective fairness that applies to such procurements, even in the absence of open competition’ (at para 334, see my criticism here). As above, this does not point out to an additivity risk resulting from the general principle of competition, but rather from broader judicial considerations of the proper way in which procurement needs to be conducted.

It is worth reiterating that the importance of the inclusion of the principle of competition in the Bill was underlined by the Competition and Markets Authority, in particular in relation to its interaction with the principle of transparency: ‘Transparency can play a vital role in effective public procurement by dispelling perceptions of favouritism and maintaining trust in the procurement process – which in turn encourages competitors to contest the market. However, higher levels of transparency can also make collusion between bidders easier to sustain ... The CMA considers it essential that public procurement officials are aware of the link between collusion and transparency and report any suspicious activity by suppliers to the CMA. … The CMA proposes that … the new regulatory framework for public procurement should include a further principle of ‘effective competition’: Effective competition - procurement should promote healthy, competitive markets, which in turn drive better value for money and reduce the risk of illegal bid-rigging cartel.’ (at paras 3.2 and 3.3).

The inclusion of the principle of transparency thus needs to be twinned to the introduction of the principle of competition (for discussion of the interaction between the triad of overarching principles of competition, transparency, and integrity, see Steve Schooner, ‘Desiderata: Objectives for a System of Government Contract Law‘ (March 2002) 3 ff).

Implications and final thoughts 

Given the UK’s international commitments and the universal recognition of the importance of enshrining the general principles of transparency and competition in procurement legislation, their absence in the Procurement Bill can:

  1. generate doubts as to the intended transparency and pro-competition orientation of the system—which could be used e.g. in the context of the WTO GPA by trading partners seeking to raise issues with the UK’s position in the agreement; as well as

  2. push for a pro-competition and/or transparency-regarding interpretation of other general goals included in the Bill and, in particular, the ones in clause 11(1)(a) of ‘delivering value for money’, clause 11(1)(c) of ‘sharing information for the purpose of allowing suppliers and others to understand the authority’s procurement policies and decisions’, and clause 11(1)(d) of ‘acting, and being seen to act, with integrity’. Such interpretation could, coupled with common law doctrines and other precedent (as above), generate additional (self-standing) obligations in a way that the more generic principles of transparency and competition may not. And, even if they did, there would be no risk of additivity compared to the original text of the Bill.

There is thus no clear advantage to the omission of the principles, whereas their explicit inclusion would facilitate alignment of the Procurement Bill with the international standards and regulatory benchmarks it will be assessed against. The explicit inclusion of the principles of transparency and competition is thus the preferable regulatory approach.

In my view, the easiest way of ensuring the introduction of both principles would be to alter the amendment proposed by Baroness Hayman as follows (with bold indicating changes or additions):

After Clause 10

BARONESS HAYMAN OF ULLOCK

Insert the following new Clause

“Procurement principles

(1) In carrying out a procurement, a contracting authority must pursue the following principles—

(a) [omit]
(b) value for money, by having regard to the optimal whole-life blend of economy, efficiency and effectiveness that achieves the intended outcome of the business case,
(c) transparency, by acting openly to underpin accountability for public money, anti-corruption and the effectiveness of procurements,
(d) integrity, by providing good management, preventing misconduct, and control in order to prevent fraud and corruption,
(e) equal treatment of suppliers, by ensuring that decision-making is impartial and without conflict of interest,
(f) non-discrimination, by ensuring that decision-making is not discriminatory, and
(g) effective competition, by ensuring that procurement does not artificially narrow competition for a specific contract, promotes healthy, competitive markets, and reduces the risk of illegal bid-rigging cartels.

As there is no good reason why a contracting authority should not be able to act in accordance with those principles, I would advocate for a deletion of the second paragraph of the amendment as proposed.