Does (outsorcing) procurement contribute to public sector productivity? (Dunleavy, 2015)

I have recently read P Dunleavy. "Public Sector Productivity: Puzzles, Conundrums, Dilemmas and Their Solutions", in J Wanna, H-A Lee & S Yates (eds), Managing Under Austerity, Delivering Under Pressure: Performance and Productivity in Public Service (ANU Press, 2015) 25-42. I found Prof Dunleavy's piece highly thought-provoking and would recommend it to anyone interested in the working of the public sector and current outsourcing tendencies, including mutualisation of (spin-off) public services.

Dunleavy offers a very straightforward proposal to start cracking the problem of measuring public sector productivity and reports the findings of a larger study based on relatively simple indicators. Focusing on public procurement, Dunleavy offers some insights that are worth pondering. His paper reports findings concerning the outsourcing of services and the hiring of IT consultants and stresses the following:

So, why does outsourcing not work? It is because government service offices are highly imperfect and they are not going to stop being highly imperfect if two or three contractors are brought in. The markets created are oligopolistic. In Britain we have large problems with our IT sector—62 per cent of the market is dominated by the top contractor, and the top five contractors have 95 per cent of the market. There are usually only two or three tenders for any given contract, and the tenders are very expensive. The idea that more firms can bid is not feasible, because a firm needs to have a large governmental relations unit and a contracting unit just to understand the e-procurement system; this will always be the case. Contract specification works directly against productivity because an organisation needs to specify what it wants the contractor to do. It has to fix a whole service specification and then as needs change, and demand changes, and society changes, it has to go back to the contractor and renegotiate (p. 37).
Public servants also tend to use outsourcing in a very rational way—if we have better business to be attending to and there is something that we really hate doing, we tend to outsource it. This means that nothing changes in that area. The contractor will not want to change—as soon as we outsource it to them, they will want to freeze the technology and keep things exactly the same. This may seem irrational, because at the end of the contract they will have to re-tender, but it is actually cheaper for contractors to work that way (p. 38).
One final note—contestability is a great word, and it may do some good when trying to introduce product diversity, or when attempting to engage different kinds of contractors. The arrival of mutuals might make a difference, but keep in mind that mutuals only have 1/70th of the outsourcing market in the UK, so they are not a serious threat to the big outsourcers yet. On the whole, outsourcing contestability will not grow government productivity (p. 39). 

These are challenges and structural difficulties that do not only concern the UK. And they support a serious strategy to rethink the most productive way of structuring the public sector and deciding which activities to retain in house and which activities to outsource. Dunleavy's general recommendation for the future in that regard is to think about the following:

The question is, can we have genuine demand transfers across suppliers? Can we get genuine supplier succession, genuine competition or contestability? I think we could if we had public sector suppliers who could scale up their services; who could move from one area to another and enlarge. More mixed public/private competition could also improve the situation, and mutuals may help in a small way here (p. 41).

These are all very suggestive ideas, but all of them are based on structural changes in the supply side of the market. I would stress the need for demand side reforms, aimed at improving the way the procurement rules are used, so as to tender shorter-term, adaptive and flexible contracts that avoid lock-in and promote effective supplier competition in more dynamic procurement markets. It would also be worth reconsidering to what extent the creation of markets for some services is too expensive and inefficient, so as not to compensate the transaction costs implied--to that extent, a "rediscovery" of OE Williamson's work on markets and hierarchies (notably, in The Economic Institutions of Capitalism. Firms, Markets, Relational Contracting, NY: Free Press, 1985) and its application to the public sector would certainly be beneficial. Plenty food for thought.