Can the robot procure for you? -- a short reflection a propos Chesterman (2021)

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I am reading the very interesting new book by Simon Chesterman, We, the Robots? Regulating Artificial Intelligence and the Limits of the Law (Cambridge University Press, 2021). One of the thought-provoking issues the book addresses is the non-delegability of inherently governmental functions to artificial intelligence (AI). And one of the regulatory analogies used in the book concerns the limits to outsourcing as regulated by procurement law (see pages 109 ff).

The book argues that, for ‘certain decisions, it is necessary to have a human “in-the-loop” actively participating in those decisions’ (109), and states that to reach such determination, a ‘useful analogy is limits on government outsourcing to third parties’ (110).

In that regard, Chesterman leads us to consider the US approach to establishing ‘inherently governmental’ functions for the purposes of outsourcing, on which there is a very detailed and useful Office of Federal Procurement Policy (OFPP) Policy Letter 11–01, Performance of Inherently Governmental and Critical Functions.

I was curious to see whether procurement itself was considered an inherently governmental function not susceptible of outsourcing, and was glad to find this very nuanced specific treatment of the issue (I can hear my US colleagues and friends laughing at my previous ignorance).

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It seems thus arguable that, in the US context and unless the decisions of an AI are somehow re-attributed to a Federal Government employee by some legal fiction, some aspects of procurement decision-making (at contract formation phase, but not only) cannot (yet?) be delegated to an AI (or fully automated. let’s say).

Which prompts me to reflect on what would be the treatment under EU law—and under different Member States’ approaches to constraints based on public functions and the exercise of public powers. This may be the seed for a research paper — or perhaps just a follow-on blogpost — but I would be very interested in any thoughts or comments, particularly if this is an issue someone has already thought or published about! As always, feedback and engagement most welcome at a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

How to rethink the role of procurement to foster economic recovery and the green transition -- re Mazzucato (2021, 2020)

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I have read Mariana Mazzucato’s, Mission Economy. A Moonshot Guide to Changing Capitalism (Allen Lane, 2021). As the marketing blurb explains, in the book ‘Taking her inspiration from the “moonshot” programmes which successfully co-ordinated public and private sectors on a massive scale, Mariana Mazzucato calls for the same level of boldness and experimentation to be applied to the biggest problems of our time. We must, she argues, rethink the capacities and role of government within the economy and society, and above all recover a sense of public purpose.’ I must admit that I found the book less than persuasive — and it is a consolation to see that this was also the take of Stiglitz in his book review for The Lancet, The Economist’s reviewer’s take, as well as Whalley’s in his book review for the Journal of Economic History [paywalled].

Mission Economy advances some ideas hard to disagree with, in particular concerning the need to boost public sector capability and competence in order to increase the public sector’s ability to drive complex (strategic) procurement and to effectively monitor supplier and provider performance (as discussed eg here, just a couple of days ago, or here in more general terms); or to raise current levels of public expenditure (by reference to pre-pandemic standards, that is), especially in research, development, and innovation (R&D&I).

However, there are also quite a few proposals that can hardly muster much support, as they simply ignore, or worse reject, the very serious governance difficulties that would result from Mazzucato’s approach. Her proposals for a significant relaxation of procurement-related constraints fall squarely in this latter group.

Given the influential nature of Mazzucato’s work, and the fact that policy-makers around the world are currently thinking about how to leverage procurement expenditure to reactivate the economy and accelerate (or launch?) the green transition, I think that a detailed assessment of her views and proposals on public procurement can be useful. To match Mazzucato’s more detailed analysis (in a 2020 report discussed below), my analysis here refers primarily to EU and UK current rules (ie, mostly, the 2014 Public Procurement Package), in particular as they relate to the bypassing of competitive tendering and the pursuit of public-sector led innovation [on which see the recent piece by Roberto Caranta and Pedro Cerqueira Gomes, ‘Public procurement and innovation' (2021) ERA Forum, and the latter’s extended analysis in EU Public Procurement and Innovation. The Innovation Partnership Procedure and Harmonization Challenges (Edward Elgar, 2021)]. However, the thoughts below are hopefully of interest and relevance to other jurisdictions too.

References to procurement and innovation in ‘Mission Economy’

Unsurprisingly (but uncommonly) for a book on the role of the State in the face of tall order challenges — in particular the climate emergency, public health crises, and the growing digital divide — there are quite a few references to the role that procurement governance needs to play for it to be a catalyst of change, as opposed to the almost caricaturesque stereotype that procurement rules are a hindrance to the State’s ability to spearhead innovation. In fact, on the basis of the book, I would say that the most accurate summary of Mazzucato’s views is that (i) procurement rules should regularly be set aside in an innovation context, so that the State is free to directly award grants and contracts to whoever it sees fit; and (ii) public contracts should be reformed in a way that is primarily outcomes-based and offers rewards for innovative approaches to problem solving.

As an example of her support for bypassing competitive tendering, Mazzucato clearly has a positive take on the fact that, in the context of NASA’s procurement for the Apollo programme (which is the foundation of her analysis), the then current rules were often used ‘to waive formal advertising requirements so as to hire the best possible partners in the business community as quickly as possible — even if they might cost more than others’ (at 93). Quite how those ‘best possible business partners’ were identified and on what basis remains unexplored, as is whether they were actually the best possible partners, or simply the partners known to the contracting administrators, or the partners that ended up doing the job. In a nutshell, Mazzucato seems to be a proponent of rather unconstrained procurement decision-making (or at least procurement free from competition requirements). On this point, I find Mazzucato’s views to starkly clash with the evidence on the undesirability of unregulated procurement that keeps being thrown at us, eg in relation to the dog’s breakfast of pandemic-related procurement in the UK.

As an example of her views on the need to reform the structure of public contracts once (directly?) awarded, Mazzucato repeatedly refers to the need to use procurement budgets as innovation budgets (at 121), to redesign ‘procurement contracts to foster new ideas for solving problems’ (at 126), and to ‘enable experimentation’ (at 128). This is reiterated, when she stresses that ‘… it is important to have a clear goal in mind. That goal can be used to drive innovation, aided by procurement or prize schemes that nurture creativity and allow a scaling-up process for organizations that are willing and able to experiment‘ (at 154).

As a seemingly positive implementation of such an approach, she ventures that ‘Procurement to solve public goals, including the production of ventilators during a health pandemic, can be used to drive innovation in business—with the focus on the goal rather than the static metrics around commercialisation’ (at 127). It may be that the example she chose was a hostage to fortune at the time of writing, but also on this Mazzucato’s views fly on the face of the evidence on the governance problems and significant wastage of public funds that can follow a rushed ‘mission-oriented’ approach to using procurement and public contracts to generate innovation [see eg the evidence on the ‘ventilators challenge’ in the NAO’s 2020 ventilators report, as well as the following evidence that it basically resulted in the loss of over £140 million, eg in The Guardian/Observer].

Mazzucato offers another example of mission-oriented procurement concerning the development of the BBC Micro computer in the UK in the 1980s (at 158). However, it is worth stressing that the award of that contract was competed—albeit only amongst British companies and under a process that seemed to resemble current restricted procedures, or even a competitive dialogue by invitation [see Blyth (2012)]—and that the award seemed to be for the supply of an initial estimate of (fixed-price?) 12,000 computers to be partially subsidised by the Department of Trade and Industry if acquired by schools [see Yi (2012)]. So, even if the details are hard to find given the time that has elapsed, this hardly looks like a procurement procedure or public contract structure resembling the general proposals made by Mazzucato. If anything, it is an example of the use of procurement for industrial policy purposes that is not only highly problematic, but also mostly proscribed by international and bilateral trade agreements.

The repeated (if passing or superficial) references to procurement and the need for it to develop a different role in Mission Economy, as well as the (in my view ill-judged) brushing aside of governance and other crucial procurement regulation issues, picked my curiosity (and if you have read this long, they probably have picked yours too). A quick follow-up search led me to Mazzucato’s more specific ‘Mission-oriented public procurement: lessons from international examples’ (2020) UCL Institute for Innovation and Public Purpose, Policy Report, IIPP WP 2020-20. This report offers more detail on Mazzucato’s position on procurement and how to make it ‘mission-oriented’, so it is worth taking a close look.

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‘Mission-oriented public procurement’, some critical comments

General issues

This report advances that ‘using the procurement process to direct and steer can have important effects on the social and economic structure of different countries’, and uses four case studies to support that position. It largely seeks to provide more details on how to operationalise a ‘mission-oriented’ approach to procurement than Mission Economy, but it does not really engage with the existing literature on ‘strategic procurement’, which has largely sought to promote the same outcomes. Despite its title, the report is primarily concerned with the use of procurement to support or foster green innovation within the EU regulatory context.

The report is also largely normative and seeks to rely on the broader ‘mission-oriented’ framework described in detail in Mission Economy, as well as in two earlier reports by the same author. In seeking to relabel or repackage well-known ideas on strategic procurement, the report makes some general statements that, while relatively accurate, are disconnected and decontextualised from the regulatory framework and show a superficial understanding of procurement rules and governance (see the less than bare bones description at 3, or the superficial description of different types of procurement, including pre-commercial procurement, and the lack of engagement with neighbouring important rules, such as those on R&D State aid, at 4).

For example, one of the opening salvoes is that ‘… in order to implement a series of missions, the instrument of public procurement — and therefore the supply of goods, services and technologies to public entities — must also be able to respond to criteria that are based on more than just the highest (sic) bidder, based on cost’ (at 1, emphasis added). This is not only reflective of a likely mindless oversight — for, if anything, cost or price-based procurement would seek to award the contract to the lowest (compliant) bidder — but also absolutely uncontroversial and completely aligned with e.g. EU procurement policy since (at the very least) the early 2000s.

Another example of the limited understanding of procurement (and its terminology) concerns the way in which Mazzucato wants to instrumentalise procurement, when she states that ‘… missions require rethinking the setting and implementation of procurement, moving towards schemes based on the allocation of prizes for the achievement of specific quantitative objectives but also, more importantly, qualitative objectives’ (at 1, emphasis added). This is quite unclear, in particular as procurement is rarely ever involved in the allocation of prizes (except, perhaps, in the context of the seldom used design contest). What she may mean is that public contracts (not procurement procedures) need to have in-built (financial) incentive mechanisms that are linked to performance or outcomes, measured in quantitative and qualitative terms. Again, this is a rather uncontroversial statement of principle and the object of rather voluminous economic literature. However, the difficulties in setting adequate outcomes-based KPIs and quality control mechanisms need to be scrutinised in great detail — and the report is of no help there. If, alternatively, Mazzucato was arguing for a complete revolution and the adoption of an approach seeking to reward ‘any qualified provider’ (or, more generally, anybody) making a measurable quantitative or qualitative contribution to pre-defined governmental goals, then that would have required a lot more explanation, as well as some consideration on the feasibility of its implementation and management.

A further example is the statement that ‘The mission-oriented approach … offers the potential to structure different economic policy objectives by specifying the final results to be obtained (such as safe driving on the roads) rather than the solution (for example, self-driving cars). This allows margins for experimentation and coordination of the public procurement process across different institutions and value chains’ (at 2). Quite. But this is generally (and uncontroversially) termed a functional or performance-based approach to the setting of technical specifications (which, incidentally, is discussed later in the report, at 5), and is also long-standing policy in the EU context.

And the difficulties in making sense of the ‘mission-oriented’ approach by contrast to existing regulatory and policy approaches are perhaps most evident in trying to make sense of the statement that ‘An effective procurement system for missions can create a positive dynamic that selects “willing” actors (picking the willing) instead of predetermined “winners” (picking the winners)’ (at 2).

All in all, despite its fancy labelling as mission-orientatedness, the framing of the report seems to mainly be linked to the standard approach to using procurement to foster (green) innovation as a demand tool, as it emphasises that ‘Public organisations can support innovation through procurement in different ways within a mission-oriented approach. They can create new markets for cutting-edge products and systems thanks to the boosting effect of public demand, which enables them to bear the risk of companies that invest to obtain technological innovations. Similarly, procurement can encourage innovation by creating a lead market for new technologies and solutions or by providing a testing ground for innovative products’ (at 3). Again, hard to disagree with this, but the approach is solely reflective of the ‘what to buy’ decision, which is fundamentally unconstrained by the (EU and UK) procurement rules. In failing to explore ways in which the current rules allow contracting authorities to take proactive steps towards demanding, or rewarding, (green) innovation within procurement tenders and in public contracts, the report falls well short of painting a full picture of the potential of the existing regulatory framework.

Agreement on the need to boost public sector capability

Much like in Mission Economy, the one section of the more detailed procurement report with which one can but agree, concerns Mazzucato’s call for more investment in procurement-related capabilities, in particular from a technical/scientific perspective (section 2.4, at 6-7). As she rightly puts,

The state must invest in its own resources, developing internal capabilities in strategic areas, including the ability to design contracts aimed at achieving public policy objectives. Without these key competences, which the private sector normally develops, the public sector will not be able to achieve its objectives. Investing in the capabilities within the public administration, especially in the procurement area, becomes a prerequisite for rethinking the relationship that public procurement agencies establish with private suppliers in a more dynamic and symbiotic way (at 7).

The point is broader than the issue of public-private interaction or collaboration, though, and it should be stressed that without more internal capabilities, all efforts to leverage procurement expenditure to pursue economic, green, social or innovation goals (or whatever mission we wanted to label them under) are likely to result in poor implementation and wastage of public resources.

A look at the international examples

The first set of examples concerns the US’ Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) programme, and the UK’s Small Business Research Initiative (SBRI) programme — both of which can be drawn together by the fact that they largely involve pre-commercial procurement, have a clear industrial policy-orientation, and are carefully designed to remain below economic thresholds that could trigger competitive tendering and other (non-discrimination) obligations. Moreover, the discussion ignores that, in particular the US programme and broader SME protectionism in US trade commitments are a constant bone of contention (with the EU). It also seeks to illustrate the US experience by referring to the same NASA example as above, which has no connection whatsoever with the SBIR. The discussion of the UK’s approach is also fudged by discussion of eg the 2012 Social Value Act, which not only has nothing to do with SBRI, but also can hardly be seen as an instrument of effective policy orientation (with its insufficiency being acknowledged in recent efforts to push for the inclusion of social value considerations well beyond the requirements of the social value act — see eg PPN 6/20 on taking account of social value in the award of central government contracts).

The second set of examples concerns the Swedish approach to green public procurement and a host (or rather, random collection) of policy and pilot projects that have taken place in the last 20 years or so. There is no clear point to be extracted from these examples, other than the fact that green procurement has been growing in importance as a policy issue over the last two decades, and that Sweden and other Nordic countries (see below) have been front-runners in the that respect, at least in the European context.

The third example concerns the City of Copenhagen’s approach to green procurement, in particular one competitive dialogue for street lighting. Other than the mere description of the case, there is no analysis of the procurement or its practical implications.

The final example concerns Italy and simply bunches together discrete examples of pandemic-related emergency procurement (for ventilators and PPE) and broader green procurement policies of recent years. Again, there is no analysis or clear line or argumentation. The ‘case study’ also includes superficial comments on the Italian transposition of the EU Directives, which are extremely naïve in their face value reading of the relevant rules.

Where do those conclusions come from?

The concluding section is completely unrelated to the ‘empirical evidence’ offered by the international case studies. Mazzucato claims that the analysis in the report offers lessons, including the need for discretionality, directionality, capabilities and flexibility in procurement and, more generally, that ‘… it is essential to nest the dynamics of public procurement within a new logic for public administration (PA). A PA driven by public value and public purpose. One that is focussed on catalyzing investment and innovation across a wide variety of actors in the economy, in the public, private and civil society sectors. Only in this way can public purpose be brought to the centre of economic growth that is more inclusive and sustainable’ (at 17).

While some of this would require some unpacking, the level of generality and abstraction of these recommendations make them hard to disagree with, as a point of principle. They are, however, not based on even an acceptable level of engagement with the reality of procurement regulation and practice in the jurisdictions the report claims to cover. Not to mince words, the quality of the report should be embarrassing to a professor of the economics of innovation sincerely interested in making proposals for an improved system of governance, as those can only really be built on a proper understanding of the current structures and practices (boring as procurement law may be, to some).

Mission confusion?

All in all, I have come to realise that I have a big problem with Mazzucato’s discussion of new approaches to procurement and how to use them to unlock the very much required green innovation that needs to lead us to a net zero economy, or beyond, in the already too late response to the climate crisis. Much like Mission Economy more broadly, the specific report on ‘mission-oriented public procurement’ is not more than a (relatively) well-written piece with an imaginative use of labels that seek to camouflage both a poorly informed and very general analysis of procurement regulation and practice, and a complete omission of both earlier scholarship and policy-making trends, as well as all discussion of the likely (for there have to be some) downsides of the proposed ‘changes in approach’.

And this is reflective of one of the broader problems in scholarship and policy-making surrounding innovation and social challenges, not only in procurement, where there is also a lot of repackaging of old ideas (garbage can theory, anyone?) and abstract or high-level promises that are undeliverable (makes me think of the snake oil and hype surrounding many a proposed ‘application’ of digital technologies for procurement, in particular blockchain). Doing mostly the same, or advancing the same old ideas, but calling them something else is not innovative, and certainly not the way to rethink or reinvent anything. And it won’t fly for procurement either.

Some thoughts on the Commission's 2021 Report on 'Implementation and best practices of national procurement policies in the Internal Market'

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In May 2021, the European Commission published its report on the ‘Implementation and best practices of national procurement policies in the Internal Market’ (the ‘2021 report’). The 2021 report aggregates the national reports sent by Member States in discharge of specific reporting obligations contained in the 2014 Public Procurement Package and offers some insight into the teething issues resulting from its transposition—which may well have become structural issues. In this post, I offer some thoughts on the contents of the 2021 report.

Better late than never?

Before getting to the details of the 2021 report, the first thing to note is the very significant delay in the publication of this information and analysis, as the 2021 report refers to the implementation and practice of procurement covered by the Directives in 2017. The original national reports seem to have been submitted by the Member States (plus Norway, minus Austria for some unexplained reason) in 2018.

Given the limited analysis conducted in the 2021 report, one can wonder why it took the Commission so long. There may be some explanation in the excuses recently put forward to the European Parliament for the continued delay (almost 2 and a half years, and counting) in reporting on the economic effect of the 2014 rules, although that is less than persuasive. Moreover, given that the reporting obligation incumbent on the Member States is triggered every three years, in 2021 we should be having fresh data and analysis of the national reports covering the period 2018-2020 … Oh well, let’s work with what we have.

A missing data (stewardship) nightmare

The 2021 report provides painful evidence of the lack of reliable procurement data in 2017. Nothing new there, sadly—although the detail of the data inconsistencies, including Member States reporting ‘above threshold procurement’ data that differs from what can be extracted from TED (page 4), really should raise a few red flags and prompt a few follow-up questions from the Commission … the open-ended commitment to further investigation (page 4) sounding as too little, too late.

The main issue, though, is that this problem is unlikely to have been solved yet. While there is some promise in the forthcoming implementation of new eForms (to start being used between Nov 2022 and no later than Oct 2023), the broader problem of ensuring uniformity of data collection and (more) timely reporting is likely to remain. It is also surprising to see that the Commission considers that the collection of ‘above threshold’ procurement data is voluntary for Member States (fn 5), when Art 85(1) places them under an obligation to provide ‘missing statistical information’ where it cannot be extracted from (TED) notices.

So, from a governance perspective (and leaving aside the soft, or less, push towards the implementation of OCDS standards in different Member States), it seems that the Commission and the Member States are both happy to just keeping shrugging their shoulders at each other when it comes to the incompleteness and low quality of procurement data. May it be time for the Commission to start enforcing reporting obligations seriously and with adequate follow-ups? Or should we wait to the (2024?) second edition of the implementation report to decide to do something then — although it will then be quite tempting to say that we need to wait and see what effect the (delayed?) adoption of the eForms generates. So maybe in light of the (2027?) third edition of the report?

Lack of capability, and ‘Most frequent sources of wrong application or of legal uncertainty’

The 2021 report includes a section on the reported most frequent sources of incorrect application of the 2014 rules, or perceived areas of legal uncertainty. This section, however, starts with a list of issues that rather point to a shortfall of capabilities in the procurement workforce in (some?) Member States. Again, while the Commission’s work on procurement professionalisation may have slightly changed the picture, this is primarily a matter for Member State investment. And in the current circumstances, it seems difficult to see how the post-pandemic economic recovery funds that are being channeled through procurement can be effectively spent where there are such staffing issues.

The rest of the section includes some selected issues posing concrete interpretation or practical implementation difficulties, such as the calculation of threshold values, the rules on exclusion and the rules on award criteria. While these are areas that will always generate some practical challenges, these are not the areas where the 2014 Package generated most change (certainly not on thresholds) and the 2021 report then seems to keep raising structural issues. The same can be said of the generalised preference for the use of lowest price, the absence of market research and engagement, the imposition of unrealistically short tendering deadlines implicit in rushed procurement, or the arbitrary use of selection criteria.

All of this does not bode well for the ‘strategic use’ of procurement (more below) and it seems like the flexibility and potential for process-based innovation of the 2014 rules (as was that of the 2004 rules?) are likely to remain largely unused, thus triggering poor procurement practices later to fuel further claims for flexibilisation and simplification in the next round of revision. On that note, I cannot refrain from pointing to the UK’s recent green paper on the ‘Transformation of Public Procurement’ as a clear example of the persistence of some procurement myths that remain in the collective imagery despite a lack of engagement with recent legislative changes aimed at debunking them (see here, here, and here for more analysis).

Fraud, corruption, conflict of interest and serious irregularities

The 2021 report then has a section that would seem rather positive and incapable of controversy at first sight, as it presents (laudable) efforts at Member State level to create robust anti-fraud and anti-corruption institutions, as well as implementations of rules on conflict of interest that exceed the EU minimum standard, and the development of sophisticated approaches to the prevention and detection of collusion in procurement. Two comments come to mind here.

The first one is that the treatment of conflicts of interest in the Directive clearly requires the development of further rules at domestic level and that the main issue is not whether the statutes contain suitable definitions, but whether conflicts of interest are effectively screened and (more importantly), reacted to. In that regard, it would be interesting to know, for example, how many decisions finding a non-solvable conflict of interest have led to the exclusion of tenderers at Member State level since the new rules came into force. If anyone wanted to venture an estimate, I would not expect it to be in the 1000s.

The second comment is that the picture that the 2021 report paints about the (2017) development of anti-collusion approaches at Member State level (page 7) puts a large question mark on the need for the recent Notice on tools to fight collusion in public procurement and on guidance on how to apply the related exclusion ground (see comments here). If the Member States were already taking action, why did the (contemporaneous) 2017 Communication on ‘Making public procurement work in and for Europe’ (see here) include a commitment to ‘… develop tools and initiatives addressing this issue and raising awareness to minimise the risks of collusive behaviours on procurement markets. This will include actions to improve the market knowledge of contracting authorities, support to contracting authorities careful planning and design of procurement processes and better cooperation and exchange of information between public procurement and competition authorities. The Commission will also prepare guidelines on the application of the new EU procurement directives on exclusion grounds on collusion.’ Is the Commission perhaps failing to recognise that the 2014 rules, and in particular the new exclusion ground for contemporaneous collusion, created legal uncertainty and complicated the practical application of the emerging domestic practices?

Moreover, the 2021 report includes a relatively secondary comment that the national reports ‘show that developing and applying means for the quantitative assessment of collusion risks in award procedures, mostly in the form of risk indicators, remains a challenge’. This is a big understatement and the absence of (publicly-known?) work by the Commission itself on the development of algorithmic screening for collusion detection purposes can only be explained away by the insufficiency of the existing data (which killed off eg a recent effort in the UK), which brings us back to the importance of stronger data stewardship if some of the structural issues are to be resolved (or started to be resolved) any time soon.

SMEs

There is also little about SME access to procurement in the 2021 report, mainly due to limited data provided in the national reports (so, again, another justification for a tougher approach to data collection and reporting). However, there are a couple of interesting qualitative issues. The first one is that ‘only a limited number of Member States have explicitly mentioned challenges encountered by SMEs in public procurement’ (page 7), which raises some questions about the extent to which SME-centric policy issues rank equally high at EU and at national level (which can be relevant in terms of assessing e.g. the also very recent Report on SME needs in public procurement (Feb 2021, but published July 2021). The second one is that the few national strategies seeking to boost SME participation in procurement concern programmes aimed at increasing interactions between SMEs and contracting authorities at policy and practice design level, as well as training for SMEs. What those programmes have in common is that they require capability and resources to be dedicated to the SME procurement policy. Given the shortcomings evidenced in the 2021 report (above), it should be no wonder that most Member States do not have the resources to afford them.

Green, social & Innovation | ‘strategic procurement’

Not too dissimilarly, the section on the uptake of ‘strategic procurement’ also points at difficulties derived from limited capability or understanding of these issues amongst public buyers, as well as the perception (at least for green procurement) that it can be detrimental to SME participation. There is also repeated reference to lack of clarity of the rules and risks of litigation — both of which are in the end dependent on procurement capability, at least to a large extent.

All of this is particularly important, not only because it reinforces the difficulties of conducting complex or sophisticated procurement procedures that exceed the capability (either in terms of skill or, probably more likely, available time) of the procurement workforce, but also because it once again places some big question marks on the feasibiity of implementing some of the tall asks derived from eg the new green procurement requirements that can be expected to follow from the European Green Deal.

Overal thoughts

All of this leads me to two, not in the least original or groundbreaking, thoughts. First, that procurement data is an enabler of policies and practices (clearly of those supported by digital technologies, but not only) which absence significantly hinders the effectiveness of the procurement function. Second, that there is a systemic and long-lasting underinvestment in procurement capability in (most) Member States — about which there is little the European Commission can do — which also significantly hinders the effectiveness of the procurement function.

So, if the current situation is to be changed, a bold and aggressive plan of investment in an enabling data architecture and legal-commercial (and technical) capability is necessary. Conversely, until (or unless) that happens, all plans to use procurement to prop up or reactivate the economy post-pandemic and, more importantly, to face the challenges of the climate emergency are likely to be of extremely limited practical relevance due to failures in their implementation. The 2021 report clearly supports aggressive action on both fronts (even if it refers to the situation in 2017, the problems are very much still current). Will it be taken?

Joint cross-border procurement in the EU/EEA (plus UK) 2019-2021 -- update on Locatelli's (2019) TED analysis

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A couple of years ago, Ivo Locatelli — a Senior Procurement Expert at the European Commission — published a first analysis of the emerging trends in cross-border procurement in the EU/EEA based on TED data and, in particular, based on the publication of contract award notices (CANs). His paper is available as: I Locatelli, ‘Do European public buyers purchase together? An assessment of joint cross-border procurement contracts published in TED in 2017 and beyond’ (2019) 1 Ius Publicum art 1.

Locatelli reported that, in 2017 only, 34 CANs were published concerning joint cross-border procedures involving buyers in different Member States. The paper provides detailed analysis and classification of those 34 instances of cross-border joint procurement. The paper acknowledged that, in the grand scheme of things, this was meagre (but important) cross-border experimentation, and Locatelli was hopeful for more intense cross-border joint procurement in the future, once the best practices of a ‘group of brave buyers’ were disseminated and some policy interventions by the European Commission took root.

I am now working on a paper on cross-border procurement with Kirsi-Maria Halonen, so I thought it would be a good idea to try to update Locatelli’s analysis, following as close a methodology as I could. This should allow for a longer view analysis of emerging trends over an almost five year period (2017, as per Locatelli's analysis, plus 2018-2021 to date). This blogpost reports the results and reflects on some issues preventing a proper understanding of the emergence of cross-border joint procurement ‘on the ground’ [for theoretical analysis, see A Sanchez-Graells, ‘The Emergence of Trans-EU Collaborative Procurement: A “Living Lab” for European Public Law’ (2020) 29(1) Public Procurement Law Review 16-41].

‘Mining’ TED for 2018-21

Given how counterintuitive I find the advanced searches in TED, I thought I would cast my net wide (if anyone has suggestions for a more effective approach, I would be most grateful to receive them). So, I searched TED for CANs with the free text “joint procurement” and then manually checked whether there was a cross-border element. I thought the search would, if anything, be overinclusive, as the mandatory CAN standard form requires in part I.2) to indicate whether there is any element of joint procurement and ‘In the case of joint procurement involving different countries, state applicable national procurement law’.

184 results were returned. This is the breakdown of what came up, organized by country of the buyer:

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The results were a little surprising, if nothing else for being such few, as well as for the very clear bulges of ‘activity’ in the UK and Norway and, to a lesser extent, Denmark. In order make the analysis of the CANS for the 2018-2021 period comparable to Locatelli’s for 2017, I screened them manually and applied the same exclusion criteria detailed in the paper.

To carry out his analysis of emerging trends in ‘true’ cross-border procurement, Locatelli conducted an ‘assessment of joint cross-border procurement … limited to cases of a contract being awarded, or a framework agreement being concluded, either jointly or via a joint entity, by several contracting authorities located in various Member States or via two foreign CPBs. Therefore, coordinated procurement implying several parallel procedures managed by buyers in different Member States is not covered here.’ The paper also clarified that ‘CANs relating to European Union (EU) institutions’ procurement procedures that are open to agencies and institutions located in different Member States are not covered by this assessment’, and that ‘CANs concerning pre-commercial procurement are not included since public procurement Directives apply to public service contracts for research and development services only where specific conditions are met’.

Doing that resulted in only 11 eligible cross-border joint procurement projects for the period 2018-2021 — with only very few pre-commercial procurements and procurements of the EU Institutions excluded. Interestingly, the bulk of the CANs referred to single-country joint procurement and mostly to municipal or regional collaboration in Norway and the UK, to utilities collaboration in Denmark, as well as collaboration within the English national healthcare system.

What was in TED for 2018-21?

The CANs identified above show a limited picture of cross-border collaboration mainly in the Nordic countries (and remarkably in defence and security procurement), and mostly where there is either a physical or regulatory network requiring (or justifying) cross-border management, or where there is EU funding for a specific activity. The sample is way too small to try to extrapolate any clear trends, so it is worth listing the 11 projects here (from newer to older), in case anyone wants to dive deeper:

General procurement (with EU funding)

  • Spanish-led collaboration with UK for the procurement of innovative healthcare services, funded by the EU (project RITMOCORE) [2021/S 040-100288 (and also 2020/S 255-642149)]

  • Swedish-led collaboration with Finland for a digital service gathering travel information for visitors in the Stockholm and Turku archipelago, with EU funding (EU Central Baltic funding: CB767) [2020/S 107-259917]

  • French-led collaboration (with Spain, Germany and Italy) for the acquisition of super-computers, funded by the EU (under PPI4HPC) [2020/S 092-219297]

    Network procurement (not necessarily utilities)

  • Swedish-led Nordic (plus Dutch) collaboration for the maintenance and further development of software for financial reporting via the Northern Transaction Reporting System (NTRS), which was already jointly procured in 2016 [2021/S 094-247849]

  • Austrian-led collaboration (with Slovakia, Croatia, Bulgaria and Romania) for the setting up of a transnational Waterway Monitoring System (“WAMOS”) within the Framework of the programme “FAIRway Danube”, co-financed by the Connecting Europe Facility (CEF) programme [2018/S 097-221820]

  • German-led collaboration (for the entire Eurosystem, under the auspices of EPCO) to acquire rating agency services [2018/S 069-153490]

  • Finnish-led collaboration (with Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) regarding the identification of the most suitable option for a Baltic-Finnish energy market [2018/S 014-029097]

    Defence and security procurement

  • Norwegian-led collaboration with Denmark for a joint procurement for inspections and maintenance of the respective countries’ C130J Hercules planes [2021/S 076-195801]

  • Swedish-led collaboration with Norway to acquire UAS-Systems (Unmanned Air System) for their police forces [2019/S 182-442948]

  • Danish-led collaboration with Norway for the purchase of type rated courses to maintain the C-130J Block 6.1 Hercules air crafts [2018/S 179-407131]

  • Swedish-led collaboration with Finland to procure strategic sealift operations [2018/S 031-068254]

Is this really all the cross-border joint procurement there is?

I think there are problems with this information. Anecdotally, I am aware of a cross-border joint procurement between France and Italy in 2019 that did not show in the search results. There are also some examples in this recent iProcureNet report that also do not show in the search results. More broadly, I think that the poor form-filling that tends to affect TED notices may mask some of the joint cross-border procurement taking place, in particular because mistakes in a small sample can have more relevant effects than in a large sample (contra, Locatelli 2019: 7-8).

Be it as it may, even if the search was defective and the results were massively under-reported by (say) 10 to 1, the picture that emerges is one of extremely limited action in joint cross-border procurement. If the EU-funded projects are excluded and Nordic defence collaboration is set aside, all that is left is joint procurement linked to physical or regulatory network activities with an obvious EU dimension. Therefore, there seems to be very little ‘grassroots’ collaboration on the public buyer side of the EU’s public procurement internal market, except at its margins.

What then?

To my mind, this poses a few relevant questions. First, whether the existence of language and legal barriers that are generally brushed under the carpet in EU policy-making need a serious reconsideration (and I am not the only one to think this; see eg MA Simovart, ‘Choice of law applicable to joint cross-border public procurement by central purchasing bodies or under occasional collaboration agreements’ (2021) 1 Procurement Law Journal 1-18). Second, whether joint cross-border procurement can really be the channel for trans-EU collaboration that the European Commission hopes — eg in relation to the adoption of AI, where the Commission considers that ‘collaborative cross-border procurement has the potential to exploit synergies and achieve higher critical mass in bringing AI solutions to the public sector market across Europe‘ [as announced in the 2018 Coordinated Plan on AI, and detailed in a recent Innovation Procurement Newsletter]. Third, whether the low uptake of collaboration between public buyers and the structurally low level of (direct) cross-border tendering by foreign potential suppliers (as recently reconfirmed, in this new Study on the measurement of cross-border penetration in the EU public procurement market) warrant the current regulatory approach, not only by the Commission, but also by the European Court of Justice.

As you see, there is plenty to think about and discuss. Kirsi and I hope to publish a draft of our paper in a few months. So stay tuned if this is of interest. And, as always, all comments and suggestions most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

UK tenderers' access to procurement by EU agencies: when the EU is also protectionist

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One of the often overlooked implications of Brexit is that, despite the UK’s accession to the WTO GPA and the procurement chapter of the EU-UK TCA, UK companies are practically left out of the procurement procedures carried out by the decentralised and executive EU agencies—despite the obligation of National treatment of locally established suppliers (Art 288), which would only apply to UK suppliers ‘established in [the EU’s] territory through the constitution, acquisition or maintenance of a legal person’. This is a result of the UK tenderers being treated as third country operators for these purposes.

The current advice of the European Commission (DG BUDGET) to those agencies is that participation by UK tenderers in public procurement procedures governed by Regulation 2018/1046 to which the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement does not apply is to be treated as exceptional, as follows:

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So it is fair to stress that the EU is as protectionist of its public funds as the next trading partner …

More UK procurement deregulation proposals, this time for healthcare [catching up with the proposed new provider selection regime for NHS England]

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I came back from shared parental leave a couple of weeks ago and have been trying to catch up with the last six months’ worth of developments in the regulation of procurement in the UK and the EU. I do not even dare write down the list of instruments and proposals to consider … It seems that it has been a half year full of procurement news. I hope you have all been keeping well and abreast of so much change!

One of the relatively recent developments is the February 2021 proposal for the replacement of the current rules on the commissioning of healthcare services for the purposes of the English national health service (NHS England) with a new provider selection regime (‘the proposal’). There was a public consultation on the proposal that closed in April, so I am coming late to the party. However, I think there is still some point in jotting down a few critical comments, as the likelihood that the future secondary legislation deviates from the proposal seems minimal.

Background

By way of background, it is worth saying that NHS commissioning is a peculiar procurement activity resulting from the creation of an NHS internal market in the 1990s with the aim of harnessing market incentives and competition-based governance to improve the efficiency of the English healthcare system (see here). NHS commissioning takes place in a largely in-house environment where NHS buyers commission services primarily from NHS suppliers, but also with mixed private participation by both for-profit and third sector providers (for further background, you can watch here). Discussion of the rules on NHS commissioning is always tarnished by the linked controversy on the privatisation of the NHS (for a good explainer, see here).

NHS commissioning is currently subjected to both the Public Procurement Regulations 2015 (PCR2015, aka the UK’s copy-out transposition of Directive 2014/24/EU) and the National Health Service (Procurement, Patient Choice and Competition) (No. 2) Regulations 2013. The proposal seeks to take NHS commissioning out of the scope of application of the PCR2015 — which is possible, given the exclusion of healthcare services from the UK’s schedules of coverage under the WTO GPA, as well as the explicit exclusion of healthcare services from the EU-UK TCA (see Annex 25) — and to repeal the 2013 Regs. NHS Commissioning would then be subjected to a new provider selection regime described (at a high level of generality) in the proposal.

The proposal thus continues with the de-regulatory approach already taken in the 2019 legislative proposals to implement the NHS Long-term Plan, and seeks to dismantle large chunks of the market-based regulation of the NHS internal market, which is a political aspiration of both current UK Government and opposition and, to some extent, is also seen as a Brexit dividend — though I have argued it is not, and that the proposal is undesirable, not least because most of what it seeks to achieve is possible under the current EU-based procurement rules of the PCR2015 (see here). It should be noted that the proposal runs in parallel to the also de-regulatory approach underpinning the December 2020 green paper Transforming Public Procurement [on which see here, here, and here, while we wait for the Government’s response to the public consultation].

Key elements of the proposal

In a nutshell, the proposal seeks to debunk tendering as the sole (or rather, primary, for there are exceptions in reg.32 PCR2015) mechanism for the award of healthcare contracts, and to create three routes to contract award (for a quick overview see e.g. here, or here). This is the first fundamental area of change in the proposal, which would create an ‘NHS-specific’ set of procurement rules. Those ‘new’ routes would be: (route 1) contractual extension/renewal with the incumbent provider; (route 2) NHS commissioner’s non-competitive unilateral determination of the most suitable provider; and (route 3) competitive procurement. Competitive procurement would not necessarily be tightly regulated in detail, but rather subjected to some principles or basic requirements detailed in the proposal (point 5.9), which would require decision-making bodies to:

  • have regard to relevant best practice and guidance; for example, HM Treasury’s managing public money guidance

  • ensure the process is transparent, open and fair (original emphasis)

  • ensure that any provider that has an interest in providing the service is not part of any decision-making process (...)

  • formally advertise an opportunity for interested providers to express interest in providing the service

  • compare providers against the criteria set out in the regime and any other relevant factors, and according to any hierarchy of importance they decide is necessary – which must be published in advance

  • publish their intention to award the contract with a suitable notice period (eg 4–6 weeks unless a shorter period is required due to the urgency of the case).

In choosing across routes and in making decisions within a given route, commissioners would have to ‘ensure that services are arranged in the best interests of patients, taxpayers and the population’, and would have to follow the ‘key criteria’ of: (a) Quality (safety, effectiveness and experience) and innovation; (b) Value; (c) Integration and collaboration; (d) Access, inequalities and choice; and (e) Service sustainability and social value. Each of these criteria are explained in more detail in the proposal’s Annex.

Other than compliance with the above key criteria, the regime would primarily only impose transparency (and standstill) obligations on NHS commissioners (see part 8 of the proposal). This is the second fundamental area of change in the proposal. Notably, ‘Where contracts are being continued or rolled over, or a change in providers is being considered, decision-making bodies must publish their intended approach in advance’ (point 8.2). Specifically, commissioners have a duty to publish their intended decisions ‘with a suitable notice period (eg 4–6 weeks unless a shorter period is required due to the urgency of the case)’ in all cases, save (apparently) in the rollover of contracts to incumbent providers where the type of service means there is no alternative provision (point 5.5.A), or where the alternative provision is already available to patients through other means such as the exercise of patient choice (point 5.5.B).

During that notice (and standstill) period, ‘representations can be made to the decision-making body once it has published its decision. Judicial review would be available for providers that want to challenge the lawfulness of the decision’ (point 8.3). The proposal further establishes that ‘If representations objecting to the process or outcome are received from other providers in that time, the decision-making body must: i. discuss the issue with the providers or their representatives[; and] ii. publish a response to the objections before the award, setting out its decision to either: (a) not to proceed with the contract award as intended and reconsider its process and/or decision; or (b) award the contract as intended and publish reasons for so proceeding as part of the contract award procedure’ (point 8.6). Presumably, the avenue to judicial review challenges open up here — as disappointed providers can reasonably be expected to exhaust the possibility of complaining to the commissioner before launching legal proceedings.

Comments on the ‘three route’ model

Tendering optionality. Under the proposal, competitive tendering would become optional for NHS commissioners: ‘It would be for the decision-making body to decide when a competitive procurement is the most appropriate means to select a provider‘ (point 5.9). Further, in general, there is a strong anti-tendering narrative underpinning the proposal that somewhat comes to make competitive tendering the mechanism of last resort — to be applied only where ‘after considering the key criteria the decision-making body does not identify a single candidate that is the most suitable provider, and/or concludes that the most suitable provider can only be identified by carrying out a competitive procurement‘ (ibid). This seems to leave open the possibility for a commissioner unable to identify a single best candidate to still consider that tendering is not the way to identify it — in which case there could be space for a ‘fourth’, completely unregulated, route to contract award (surely that is not the intention, though!). Additional, clear (and restrictive) criteria supporting a decision not to use competitive tendering seem necessary.

Rolling out contracts. Why create such a regulatory black hole? From a practical perspective, the main problem with route 1 (direct award of a contract extension/renewal) is that it covers two very different sets of circumstances. One where the optionality of tendering is uncontroversial, and one where it can be extremely problematic.

Regarding the first set of circumstances, it should be stressed that two of the grounds for the use of direct contractual extension/renewal with the incumbent provider (route 1) already exclude the need for a tender under the current rules. Where there there is no alternative provision (route 1A), there is no obligation to tender (see reg.32(2)(b)(ii) CR2015). Where the service is to be provided under a patient choice mechanism (ie where specific choice is not exercised by the commissioner), the inclusion of providers in the relevant ‘any qualified provider’ list is not covered by the scope of the procurement rules (reg. 2 PCR2015, incorporating the definition of “procurement” in Art 1(2) Dir 2014/24, as interpreted by the CJEU in Falk Pharma and Tirkkonen). Moreover, the proposal includes specific rules on the management of such lists (points 7.7 and 7.8).

Conversely, route 1C encompasses a set of circumstances that makes the possibility of a direct award quite worrying and potentially very problematic. Indeed, route 1C foresees that ‘If a decision-maker wants to continue with existing arrangements, they may do so where: … C) The incumbent provider/group of providers is judged to be doing a sufficiently good job (ie delivering against the key criteria in this regime) and the service is not changing, so there is no overall value in seeking another provider’ (point 5.5, emphasis added). The test for establishing that a provider is ‘doing a sufficiently good job’ not only seems too open-ended (it may be the informality with which this part of the proposal is drafted), but also defies logic.

If the incumbent’s contract was designed to deliver against the regime’s key criteria (and it should otherwise not be in place, to begin with), compliance with the contract cannot be grounds for its renewal. It should be the other way around: failure to meet the contractual requirements should lead to contract renegotiation or termination. But the mere fact that a contract is being complied with should not generate legal grounds for its (indefinite) extension. Not least because the opportunities for rent-seeking and corruption that this option generates are precisely the reason why public contracts cannot be perpetual and why there have to be external checks on both the commissioner and the provider.

Moreover, given the transparency and standstill obligations controlling the rollout of contracts, it is very likely that any such arrangement will be challenged by potential alternative suppliers (leading to a waste of time, see below). It is hard to see how a system that is premised on the need for potential alternative suppliers to have to actively challenge (and litigate?) contract rollout benefitting the incumbent provider can be considered a ‘decision-making process that makes space for real collaboration to happen; that does not frustrate integration by creating adversarial relationships’ as the proposal claims to intend (point 1.5). It is hard to see how the judicial review of this type of decision could be effected, as the relevant test (the provider is ‘doing a sufficiently good job’) seems to lay squarely within the technical discretion of the commissioner. If that is true (or once that is established in case law), then there may be no point in challenging or litigating contract rollout, which would simply result in a regulatory black hole.

Are there really alternatives to tendering where there is service change or the incumbent needs to be replaced? Where rolling out contracts is not an option, the optionality of tendering can be doubted in practical terms.

The only way to avoid competitive procurement where ‘the decision-making body is changing a service/existing contract considerably; a brand new service is being arranged; the incumbent no longer wants to or is no longer able to provide the services; or the decision-making body wants to use a different provider’, is for ‘the decision-making body [to have] reasonable grounds to believe that one provider/group of providers is the most suitable provider (which may or may not be the incumbent), they may award the contract directly’ (point 5.8). Reaching this reasonable determination requires the commissioner to ‘be satisfied that they can justify that the provider they are proposing to select is the most suitable provider by reference to the criteria set out in the regime and any other relevant factors, and according to any hierarchy of importance the decision-making body decides is necessary' and 'have carefully considered other potential options/providers within the relevant geographical footprint' (ibid).

How exactly this is possible without the information-revelation process of a competitive tendering is quite difficult to fathom. The proposal seems to presume a level of (dynamic, updated) market intelligence on commissioners that seems quite an implausible standard. Further, such an approach is at odds with the proposal’s stated goal of wanting to promote innovation (indeed, one of the key criteria requires ‘Ensuring decision-making bodies seek to innovate and improve services delivered by either existing or new providers, proactively developing services that are fit for the future’). Innovation must necessarily be co-produced (if not market-led) in this context — as recognised in the Annex to the proposal: ‘Decision-making bodies should give due consideration to any particular innovative approaches offered by providers that could help to deliver better outcomes, and avoid assuming that what is currently provided will match current or future need’. Unless commissioners have a crystal ball, this can only be done through proper market engagement and there is no clear reason why that engagement cannot be effectively channelled through competitive procurement.

Moreover, once again, given the transparency and standstill obligations and the likelihood of challenge, is it reasonable to expect any commissioner to engage in such non-competitive unilateral determination with limited information?

No time to waste, or risk aversion? In both routes 1 and 2, there is a presumption that ‘given that the commissioner knows best’, there is no need to subject contract award to competitive tendering. In the slightly more elegant words of the proposal:

‘In practice, the bulk of current NHS services are arranged without competitive processes or tendering (though this approach is sometimes not without legal risk). There is a justifiable reason for this. … in many circumstances the choice of service provider will be constrained by the nature of the service and its interdependencies with other services. Our proposed regime explicitly recognises this reality and makes it clear that such core NHS services can be arranged without NHS decision-making bodies being pushed through valueless bureaucratic exercises’ (para 5.2).

The real reason for the proposed approach is then not to avoid useless competitive tendering — which is not taking place anyway — but to rid NHS commissioners from legal risk. Well, two comments seem warranted here. The first one is that legal risk is not at all reduced in the proposal. Both routes 1C and 2 are riddled with open-ended legal concepts and commissioners willing to rely on them will have to accept legal risks no smaller than those implicit in findings that a service is to be directly awarded to a sole-source provider (which is presumably the legal risk the proposal indirectly refers to).

The second one is that the way this legal risk is to be excluded — ie via transparency and standstill — can generate a significant delay (of 4 to 6 weeks) in the launch of a competitive tendering procedure where the commissioner’s approach is challenged. A competitive tendering procedure that could, by the way, last less than 6 weeks — were it not for the proposal’s double transparency requirement of advertising the contact opportunity and then also imposing a 4-6 week standstill prior to award (which much extends the current standstill obligation under the PCR2015).

Of course, commissioner’s may decide to dismiss challenges, reaffirm their decisions, and carry on. The question then becomes what remedies are available to disappointed providers at the stage of judicial review. If damages enter the picture (and they may), the accumulated disincentive of delay and liability exposure can hardly provide a more comfortable mix than the current rules — or the foreseen cap on damages for procurement litigation under the green paper proposals, for that matter.

There's more than one way to skin a cat. Much like the green paper, the proposal is deceptively simple in the deregulation of route 3 and the subjection of competitive tendering to minimum principle-based requirements. Given the likelihood that route 3 becomes THE route (other than for 1A and 1B awards), it seems too open-ended for the proposal to solely require that commissioners

  • have regard to relevant best practice and guidance; for example, HM Treasury’s managing public money guidance

  • ensure the process is transparent, open and fair (original emphasis)

  • ensure that any provider that has an interest in providing the service is not part of any decision-making process (...)

  • formally advertise an opportunity for interested providers to express interest in providing the service

  • compare providers against the criteria set out in the regime and any other relevant factors, and according to any hierarchy of importance they decide is necessary – which must be published in advance

Unless the expectation is for a single competitive tendering procedure to be created in secondary legislation — but this is not the obvious implication of the proposal, and would run counter to the approach to eg transposing the rules on the award of social and special services contracts (see reg.76 PCR2015) — each commissioner would be free to create its own procedure. This would in fact subject NHS competitive tendering to the same ‘anti-procedure’ regulation envisaged for the competitive flexible procedure in the green paper. And it would thus open it up to the same criticism, on the basis of the explosion of transaction costs (as well as legal uncertainty) it would create. Allow me a cross-reference to the points made in my response to the green paper’s consultation.

Conclusion

To put it simply, by following the lead of the green paper and seeking to deregulate NHS commissioning, the proposal can generate very negative unwanted effects in terms of the cost, complexity and exposure to challenge and litigation of the system. In my view, it would mainly create an ex ante layer of accountability that (while welcome in principle) would burden commissioners and in most cases result in the tendering of contracts anyway, but subject to under-specified rules. How this can be seen as an improvement over the current situation escapes my imagination.

New interesting paper on green public procurement -- re Halonen (2021)

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Dr Kirsi-Maria Halonen has just published in advanced open access her new paper ‘Is public procurement fit for reaching sustainability goals? A law and economics approach to green public procurement’ (2021) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law.

This is a very interesting paper that takes a law and economics approach to assess recent proposals to make some aspects of green public procurement mandatory, in particular in the context of the EU Green Deal and its expected implementing measures. The discussion relies on European examples and data, but the insights offered by the paper are relevant to all jurisdictions considering using public procurement to tackle the climate emergency.

The paper is well worth reading in full and, to my mind, makes two main original contributions that should be stressed, as they should carefully be taken into account by anyone seeking to leverage public procurement for environmental goals (or sustainability, more generally) by means of a ‘hardening’ of current soft law approaches—that is, via the imposition of procurement-specific mandatory (green) legal requirements. The following is my understanding of those two main points, which Kirsi presents slightly differently in her paper.

First, the paper warns against blanket approaches that would apply across all areas of public expenditure or, relatedly, across types of procurement specified by reference to relatively random administration-based criteria (eg tenders of a value above a certain amount). The paper evidences how the effectiveness of mandatory requirements will vary by industry and, consequently, how the design of mandatory requirements should not be based on demand-side considerations, but rather on supply-side analysis.

More than ever, the need for sophisticated market intelligence to underpin the design of green procurement requirements comes to the fore. Relatedly, the paper shows that, for some industries (or more generally), it is possible (or likely) that regulatory measures other than mandatory public procurement requirements are more effective in promoting the desired green transition. Consequently, an analysis of alternative policy interventions should be carried out ahead of the imposition of such mandatory requirements.

Second, and more originally, the paper shows that one of the key considerations in assessing the effectiveness of mandatory green public procurement requirements has to be their knock-on effect on private consumption patterns. Relying on substitution policy analysis, the paper makes it plainly clear that changes in public demand for green (or sustainable) products will create a mix of incentives that can well result in the increased consumption of dirty (or unsustainable) goods and services by private consumers (both corporate and individual) as a result of rigidities in the supply side of the relevant markets—which, at best, can be resolved as the green transition advances and, at worse, could be structurally resistant.

This shows how, despite public procurement representing anything between 10% and 20% of most economies, policy interventions that are procurement centric can generate net negative environmental (or social) effects if the remainder of the economy (or rather, part of the rest of the economy) is displaced towards goods and services that do not meet the required standards. This once again brings home the message that procurement-specific interventions may not be the preferable (or even desirable) way to try to tackle the climate emergency and that a broader, supply (or industry)- based assessment of alternative regulatory interventions is necessary.

Taken all insights together, I would read Kirsi’s paper as making a very strong argument that green (or sustainable) public procurement must not be seen as a goal in itself, or as intrinsically desirable, and that a broader embedding of procurement within larger legislative initiatives (eg economy-wide minimum requirements, or the imposition of consumption taxes regardless of the public or private nature of the buyer) is likely to be a better way forward.

I also read the paper as offering a persuasive argument against claims that ‘mandating green procurement is better than doing nothing’, or that ‘green procurement is a low-hanging fruit that should be collected before reaching for more difficult targets like individual consumer behaviour’. Without proper analysis of the substitution effects that mandatory green public procurement requirements can generate, none of that should be taken at face value. Which is interesting because it is exactly the same way broader market dynamics operate in public procurement, and precisely the reason why the desirability of the exercise of public buying power needs to be assessed with caution, regardless of the policy goal it seeks to achieve.

Short comments on the proposed regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market, as it relates to procurement

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The European Commission is currently consulting on its recent Proposal for a Regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market (COM(2021) 223 final, 5 May 2021). The public consultation will be open until 15 July 2021. I have just submitted my views on chapter four of the proposal, which concerns the rules for the analysis of foreign subsidies distorting tenders for contracts with a value above €250 million. The feedback form only allows for 4,000-character submissions, so here are mine. As always, comments welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

The proposed Regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market (RFSDIT) is both (1) undesirable and (2) problematic, in particular as it concerns the investigation of foreign subsidies linked to public procurement procedures. The following is limited to chapter 4.

1. Primarily, ch 4 RFSDIT is undesirable because it adds a layer of scrutiny and red tape that will affect high-value tenders submitted by tenderers from jurisdictions that have either signed up to the WTO Government Procurement Agreement, or that have a plurilateral or bilateral trade agreement covering procurement with the EU. Tenderers from other jurisdictions can already be excluded on the basis of the current rules (see Art 25 Dir 2014/24; Art 43 Dir 2014/25), as emphasised in the Commission's 2019 guidance on the participation of third-country bidders and goods in the EU procurement market. First, the (inadvertent) targeting of GPA- or FTA-originated tenders is in itself undesirable on trade policy terms and could erode third countries' bilateral relationships with the EU within the GPA framework, as well as under the relevant FTA (or the UK TCA) even if those already include subsidy-related provisions. Second, it is also undesirable due to the technical shortcomings of the proposal, as below, as there could be a basis for claims of unequal treatment concerning the non-scrutiny of EU-originated tenders that are tainted by illegal State aid. Finally, it is also undesirable because the ex ante nature of ch 4 screening can dissuade economic operators from participating in public tenders even if they think that subsidies they have received could overcome the tests in Arts 3-5 RFSDIT. Recipients of foreign subsidies may rather forgo their chances of being awarded a public contract than trigger an investigation they could avoid under the general motu proprio regime. Such loss of international competition is to the EU public buyers' detriment.

2. Ch 4 RFSDIT is also highly problematic because of its incompatibility with the mechanisms in the EU procurement Directives, as well as the inconsistency of approach with the rest of the chapters in the RFSDIT. First, the proposed rules are incompatible with the trigger for an investigation of the distortive effects of State aid granted to an EU-based tenderer, which derives from the prima facie abnormally low character of its tender (ALT) (see Art 69 Dir 2014/24). EU-generated non-ALT bids are not screened for receipt of (illegal) State aid, even if they can be 'winning tenders' in a given procedure. As above, this can trigger claims of discrimination against non-EU generated tenders. Second, procurement case law pre-empts tenderers from offering commitments related to the tender at hand to the Commission's satisfaction without materially altering their tenders. Such changes would be impermissible under EU procurement law. This is an inescapable limit, which is partly but insufficiently acknowledged in Art 30(1) RFSDIT. This means that any tender where the Commission found an unbalanced distortion of the internal market would lead to the inevitable exclusion of the tender. This is at odds with the appearance of 'correctability' created by Art 30 RFSDIT. This evidences the inadequacy of applying a merger or State aid control logic to the public procurement context. Third, the relative intensity of the foreign subsidy is much lower for procurement than for concentrations under the RFSDIT. Art 18(3) creates a safe harbour of up to 10% of the value of a concentration. Art 27(2) contains no parallel rule. Thus, Art 3(2) offers the only (soft) safe harbour for procurement, which means that subsidies of 2% or less of the tender value would be caught. The reason for this different treatment under RFSDIT opens it to challenge on proportionality grounds. Moreover, it is unclear how a 2% subsidy could create a situation comparable to that of an ALT, which further reinforces concerns of unequal treatment, as above.

Transatlantic efforts against bid rigging in procurement [free webinar alert]

Prof Chris Yukins and Michael Bowsher QC have put together an excellent webinar on the current approaches to detect and sanction bid rigging in procurement in the US and the EU, as well as the possible future approach the UK may take post-Brexit.

Among other things, the webinar will include discussion of the European Commission’s recent bid rigging exclusion guidance (for initial comments see here).

The webinar will take place on 2 June 3pm CET / 2pm GMT. All welcome. Further details and free registration here.

Interesting proposals for post-Brexit strengthening of UK approach to corruption and collusion in procurement -- re Jones (2021)

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Prof Alison Jones has recently published on early view an interesting paper on ‘Combatting Corruption and Collusion in UK Public Procurement: Proposal for Post‐Brexit Reform’ (2021) Modern Law Review, forthcoming.

The paper provides a very good, comprehensive overview of the current rules and enforcement practices in the UK, their more than likely shortcomings, and four groups of proposals to tighten up the rule book and enforcement approach to the prevention and repression of corruption and bid rigging post-Brexit.

Except for some proposals on the transparency of procurement data (at p 32) and Prof Jones’ faith in the potential of the (now abandoned) ‘Screening for Cartels’ tool — both of which deserve a more in-depth discussion (see eg here on procurement transparency, and here on the SfC tool) — the UK legislator would do well to take these proposals seriously as it progresses in its review of procurement and competition laws post-Brexit.

First thoughts on the Commission's bid rigging exclusion guidance -- what difference will it make?

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On 18 March 2021, the European Commission officially published its Notice on tools to fight collusion in public procurement and on guidance on how to apply the related exclusion ground (the ‘bid rigging exclusion guidance’). This document has been a long time in the making and officially announced almost four years ago, so it is no exaggeration to say that it was keenly awaited (by competition and procurement geeks like yours truly, at least).

The guidance is clearly addressed to contracting authorities — not economic operators — and is distinctly ‘pro exclusion’ in its minimisation of the practical difficulties and legal constraints inherent in the adoption of exclusion decisions. However, even with such clearly programmatic orientation, after a first reading, I have a few thoughts that do not make for an optimistic assessment of the guidance’s likely practical impact.

Mostly, because I do not think the Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance provides much by way of actionable practical advice to contracting authorities—and it certainly does not really go beyond already existing guidance, such as the OECD’s 2009 guidelines for fighting bid rigging in public procurement. By contrast with more general documents e.g. the OECD guidance, the Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance intends to concentrate on the possibility to exclude operators engaged in the manipulation of a tender. However, it includes lenghty discussion of measures to prevent collusion, as well as complementary measures such as training and data analysis and, when it comes to the specific issues that the interpretation and application of Art 57(4)(d) of Dir 2014/24/EU generates, it is mainly restricted to setting out issues that Member States’ domestic legislation cannot do — rather than focusing on what contracting authorities can (and should) do.

Moreover, its likely limited practical impact results from the fact that the guidance simply ignores that the EU rules (especially discretionary ones) need to be embedded in the Member States’ administrative/public law system and, in many places, the guidance is at odds with the latter. In that regard, the guidance seems to presume a sort of sphere of subjective rights for contracting authorities that they are capable of exercising even against the decisions of other (superior/centralised) administrative authorities, or in disregard of broader constraints and requirements for administrative action—such as burden of proof, the duty to state reasons, the increasing enforceability of exclusion grounds against other tenderers, or the very practical implications of risking damages compensation for unlawful exclusion—which is (as far as I know) an area of constant interest for tenderers and practitioners alike.

To be fair, this in part follows from the stance of the Court of Justice in some recent cases (referred to in the guidance), but that is still no excuse for the Commission’s guidance not to recognise that Member States retain significant discretion in their administrative self-organisation and that some of the issues raised in the practical implementation of the relevant provisions will be conditioned by pre-existing administrative law doctrines and procedures.

The most glaring example of this approach that sidesteps the difficulties in the domestic implementation of EU procurement law is the fact that the guidance simply states that ‘The possibility to exclude an economic operator for suspected collusion is not construed in the Directive as a penalty for its behaviour before or during the award procedure’ (section 5.2). That is at face value fine. But the Directive also does not say that exclusion is not a penalty or a sanction and, consequently, establishing the legal nature of an exclusion will be dependent on the relevant public/administrative law framework at Member State level. Moreover, exclusion has been framed as a penalty in at least one recent preliminary reference and the Court of Justice has not disabused the referring court from that prima facie legal classification (see eg Tim, C-395/18, EU:C:2020:58). Given the increasing relevance of the Charter of Fundamental Rights in the interpretation of economic operators’ rights in the context of procurement litigation, I think it is far from certain that exclusion will not be construed as a (quasi)penalty, in particular when it is grounded on the infringement of prohibitive legal rules (such as Art 101 TFEU), rather than on shortcomings in the standing of the economic operator or non-compliance of its tender with substantive and formal requirements included in the tender documents.

To my mind, this (ie the nature of exclusion measures) can be one of the thorniest interpretive issues in this area, particularly because of the due process implications of exclusion being treated as a penalty or sanction—which is also not helped by the absence in the Remedies Directive of any procedural requirements applicable to the exclusion stage. The perpetuation of this disconnect with the Member States’ administrative law framework can in itself constitute the quicksands where the bid rigging exclusion guidance disappears, and certainly can continue to prevent an adequate use of the possibility to exclude tenderers suspected of bid rigging, because the fundamental issues raised by Art 57(4)(d) Dir 2014/24/EU remain unresolved — coupled with other sweeping statements concerning e.g. the level of demonstrability of the suspected collusion that contracting authorities need to meet (as discussed below).

For these and the reasons given below, I am afraid that the bid rigging exclusion guidance will not leave up to the expectations. I will carry out a more detailed and formal assessment of the guidance in a future research paper (likely after my shared parental leave… so not until mid summer or so), but here are my further initial observations, which do not attempt to be comprehensive.

Framing the issue

For those interested in understanding how to interpret and apply Art 57(4)(d) and the associated Art 57(6) self-cleaning possibilities, only section 5 and the Annex of the bid rigging exclusion guidance will be relevant. Indeed, the bid rigging exclusion guidance includes a rather lengthy explanation of what the Commission has done and what it expects to do (or for Member States to do) in the broader area of professionalisation and promotion of collaboration between competition and procurement authorities, which makes the document not very practical. This raises some questions on the fitness for purpose of the document, and whether alternative guidance format that had discharged most of sections 1 to 4 onto a different policy document would have been preferable, but perhaps this is mostly just presentational.

One of the most welcome aspects of the bid rigging exclusion guidance is that, in section 5.2, it makes it clear that the ground for exclusion based on suspected ‘contemporaneous’ collusion (or bid rigging) in Article 57(4)(d) of Directive 2014/24/EU is separate from (and compatible with) the possibility of excluding infringers of competition law as economic operators ‘guilty of grave professional misconduct’ under Article 57(4)(c). It is also to be welcome that, also in section 5.2, the Commission shares the view that, despite the different wording of Art 57(4)(d) and Art 101 TFEU, the former needs to be interpreted in a Treaty-consistent manner, which means that the exclusion must be possible for all types of behaviours caught by Art 101 TFEU — notably, concerted practices and decisions by associations of undertakings, in addition to agreements [for discussion, and advancing the positions now confirmed by the guidance, see A Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (2nd edn, Hart 2015) 296 ff].

The Commission also rightly stresses that contracting authorities in principle retain discretion not to exclude economic operators suspected of bid rigging, as the exclusion ground in Art 57(4)(d) is discretionary. However, this obviates not only the possibility for Member States to transpose it as a mandatory exclusion ground, but also more general EU law duties (such as the duty not to deprive Art 101 TFEU of its effet utile), and domestic administrative law duties (such as equivalent duties not to promote or tolerate illegal activity, or duties mandating inter-administrative collaboration with competition authorities). In that regard, the bid rigging exclusion guidance could have usefully developed a checklist of reasons that could (objectively) justify not excluding economic operators despite there being sufficiently plausible indications to conclude that the economic operator had entered into agreements with other economic operators aimed at distorting competition. In the end, it will not (or should not) be entirely up to the contracting authority to decide to turn a blind eye on those indicia.

Lack of practical guidance, or guidance that is impractical

Despite the largely correct framing of the issue, and despite acknowledging that tackling bid rigging in procurement is fraught with difficulties, the bid rigging exclusion guidance fails to deliver the much needed practical orientations on how to identify contemporaneous bid rigging and how to apply (as opposed to interpret) the relevant exclusion ground of Art 57(4)(d) Dir 2014/24.

The guidance does not really provide practical tips on how to identify bid rigging in a single tender scenario (which is the most likely to be faced by most contracting authorities). If indications of the existence of bid rigging that require cross-sectional or time series analysis are left to one side (as those are generally not for contracting authorities, but rather for competition authorities to screen for and analyse), and with the exception of flagging as suspicious unexpected tender withdrawals (annex, section 3), the only indications highlighted in the guidance (section 5.3) are:

  • The text of the tenders (for instance, the same typos or phrases in different tenders or comments left by mistake in the text of the tender indicating collusion among tenderers).

  • The prices offered in the award procedure (for instance, tenderers who ... offer excessively high or low prices) [although the interaction of this with the rules on abnormally low tenders is not explored]

  • Administrative details (for instance, tenders submitted by the same business representative)

This is then slightly expanded in the annex (section 3), which details indicia such as:

  • Identical mistakes or spelling errors in different tenders.

  • Different tenders drafted with similar handwriting [in 2021!] or typeface [except default in most commonly used software applications, one would hope!].

  • Tenders using another tenderer’s letterhead or contact details.

  • Different tenders with identical miscalculations or identical methodologies to estimate the cost of certain items.

  • Tenders submitted by the same person or with persons having the same contact details.

This can only help contracting authorities identify clumsy economic operators, potentially involved in collusion. However, in all seriousness, this is unlikely to result in much practical results as once these types of issues are included in official guidelines, it is likely that economic operators will make sure to avoid those mistakes when thy submit rigged bids [for discussion, in the context of automated treatment of bids, see A Sanchez-Graells, '"Screening for Cartels" in Public Procurement: Cheating at Solitaire to Sell Fool’s Gold?' (2019) 10(4) Journal of European Competition Law & Practice 199–211].

The guidance also incurs in temporal inconsistencies, such as when it uses as an indication of bid rigging that contracting authorities should take into account for the purposes of exclusion: ‘The selected tenderer subcontracting work to unsuccessful tenderers for the same contract or the selected tenderer not accepting to sign the contract and later found to be a subcontractor of the tenderer that is finally awarded the contract may be considered sufficiently plausible indications of collusion’ (annex). This can well be an indication of bid rigging, but at this stage no exclusion can take place because the contract will have been awarded. Consequently, the relevant consequence here should be reporting this issue to the competition authority as well as, where possible, terminating the contract (which is not, however, explicitly foreseen in the Directive).

The guidance is also somewhat naive or flippant, for example in its remarks concerning the contracting authority’s (potential) knowledge that a tenderer ‘has pre-ordered the material needed to perform the specific contract in question well before the evaluation of the tenders is concluded’. Quite how a contracting authority would get to this knowledge, or how specific the pre-order should be for it not to be susceptible of confusion with just a standard supply of the economic operators is anybody’s guess.

It can also generate confusion when it, on the one hand, recommends resorting to centralised procurement as a way of avoiding collusion and, on the other, stresses that framework agreements managed by central purchasing bodies are more susceptible to collusion than ordinary tender procedures (annex, section 2).

Moreover, the guidance lacks detail in crucial aspects and, in particular, concerning the extremely complex analysis of joint tenders and subcontracting among (potential) competitors (section 5.6). Here, the Commission’s guidance does not even cross-refer to the more detailed guidelines published by some Member States’ competition authorities — notably, the Danish Competition and Consumers Authority. Similarly, the guidance largely brushes over the complex issue of multiple participation by economic operators belonging to the same corporate group (section 5.5), and also sets aside the difficulties of deciding the scope of application of exclusion decisions that need to respect the doctrine of the single economic entity under competition law [for discussion, see K Kuzma and W Hartung, Combating Collusion in Public Procurement (Elgar, 2020)].

Let’s ignore the administrative legal framework

The Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance largely ignores the administrative legal framework at Member State level. This is not only in relation to the treatment of exclusion as (not) a penalty, but also in relation to evidentiary requirements and the related duty to provide reasons. In that regard, the literal interpretation of the Directive leading to the conclusion that ‘national rules should comply with both the letter and the spirit of the Directive, which requires only “indications” of participating in illegal agreements that distort competition in an award procedure and not formal evidence, such as a court judgment confirming such participation’ (section 5.4) is misleading and conflates the need for a prior administrative or judicial decision with the existence of ‘evidence’ of collusion.

First, the guidance is right to exclude the need for a previous administrative or judicial decision, but that should not be treated as excluding ‘evidence’ of collusion, but rather as a precedent decision that has the effects of (quasi) res iudicata or, at least, constitutes a legal fact that the contracting authority cannot ignore. It is also wrong to indicate that ‘plausible indications’ of collusion include, for example, ‘information brought to the attention of the contracting authority of an investigation launched by the competition authority or of penal charges brought against the management of the operator for suspected collusion either in the pending award procedure or in other award procedures’, as this raises fundamental issues concerning the presumption of inocence (which treatment will also differ across jurisdictions, depending on e.g. the trigger for the opening of an administrative investigation). Here the guidance makes the reverse mistake of conflating a formal decision with the evidence (presumably) underpinning it.

Second, the guidance ignores the legal meaning of ‘evidence’ when it establishes that ‘contracting authorities are not required to have evidence of collusion in a pending award procedure, as this would contradict the letter of the Directive’. ‘Plausible indicia’ are a type of evidence, falling short of direct (uncontrovertible) evidence, but clearly above the absence of evidence. This should have been clear from the excerpt that the guidance quotes, where the CJEU stressed that ‘anti-competitive behaviour, “may be proved not only by direct evidence, but also through indicia, provided that they are objective and consistent and that the related tenderers are in a position to submit evidence in rebuttal”’ (Specializuotas transportas, C-531/16, EU:C:2018:324, paragraph 37).

Indiciary evidence is still evidence and the unresolved problem is where to draw the line to decide that the contracting authority has enough evidentiary support to adopt an exclusion decision. Moreover, this is of paramount relevance to the adequate discharge of the duty to state reasons. Here, it not only is impossible for a contracting authority to act in the absence of evidence, but the administrative file will usually be accessible to the economic operator for the purposes of its legal defence. This makes the further recommendation for contracting authorities not to disclose to economic operators that they suspect the existence of bid rigging largely impractical, as the contracting authority will only be able to keep this under wraps up to the point where it must make a formal decision and notification to the economic operator affected by the (potential) exclusion.

Some problematic statements

Unfortunately, in addition to the shortcomings stressed above (and some others), the guidance includes some unhelpful statements concerning the interpretation and application of Art 57(7) of Directive 2014/24/EU, in particular when it states that ‘If an economic operator, who has been excluded from award procedures for a certain period under Article 57(7) of the Directive, submits a tender during the period of exclusion, the contracting authority, without any further need for assessment, must automatically reject that tender’ (section 5.9), and when it reiterates that ‘It goes without saying that if the economic operator has been excluded from all award procedures in your country for a period of time and submits a tender during this period, you must exclude it from your award procedure without assessing the tender submitted.’ (section 3 of Annex) (both emphases added).

These statements are, at best, confusing and misleading and, at worse, legally incorrect. In that regard, it should be stressed that Art 57(6) Dir 2014/24/EU is very clear that the conditions for lengthy exclusions stipulated by Member States in the implementation of Art 57(7) are to be applied ‘if no measures as specified in paragraph 6 are taken by the economic operator to demonstrate its reliability’. Therefore, the statements above should have made it clear that further assessment is required and contracting authorities must carry it out where an economic operator, who has been excluded from award procedures for a certain period under Article 57(7) of the Directive, submits a tender during the period of exclusion and it claims to have implemented the sort of measures detailed in Art 57(6).

This is the sort of problematic drafting that should be avoided in official guidance and, in this instance, rectified by the Commission as soon as possible.

Final thoughts

On the whole, a first reading of the guidance does not call for optimism. While the Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance does contain some useful information, it is at its weakest in relation to the particularities of the interpretation and application of Art 57(4)(d) and related provisions of Directive 2014/24/EU, which are supposed to constitute its core concentration.

I would not be surprised if contracting authorities found little to no comfort in the guidance when pondering how to address the key issue of how to spot collusion in single-tender settings, how to decide if there are sufficient plausible indications, and how to go about the adoption of an exclusion decision that is, in almost all likelihood, going to be challenged on the basis that it constitutes a sanction/penalty for a (suspected) breach of competition law that the contracting authority has no competence to enforce, or which has not followed the heightened procedural requirements of procedures leading to the imposition of a sanction. It should be obvious that exclusion on these grounds generates the additional risk of a follow-on investigation by the competition authority and/or private litigation, so no economic operator should be expected to just accept an exclusion on grounds of contemporaneous bid rigging under Art 57(4)(d) Dir 2014/24/EU (or, rather, its domestic transposition).

I will continue reflecting on the guidance and its implications, and I am sure there will be a lively debate in the months and years to come. As always, any feedback and comments will be most welcome.

UK regulation after Brexit -- Public procurement

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Negotiating the Future’ – a part of ‘UK in a Changing Europe’ – together with the Centre for Competition Policy, and Brexit & Environment have published a very interesting report on 'UK regulation after Brexit' that maps the new regulatory settlement in the wake of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU. The report shows how Brexit has not resulted in significant regulatory divergence except in some areas (such as immigration or agricultural subsidies), how the potential for future deviation from the EU baseline is constrained by the EU-UK TCA and other international treaties, and how the UK regulatory infrastructure is now rather strained and faces significant challenges to ensure the effectiveness of important regulatory areas, in particular concerning environmental protection or the yet to be defined mechanism for the control of subsidies.

I was invited to contribute my analysis of the immediate regulatory changes on procurement (below), which I believe show similar trends to other areas of regulation discussed in the report by leading colleagues. I would recommend reading the report in full to get a good sense of where UK regulation may be headed in the next few years, as well as the more immediate regulatory gaps.

Public procurement regulation

 EU public procurement law creates a regulatory regime that is best understood as comprising two tiers. The lower tier is largely procedural and creates specific obligations for contracting authorities running procurement procedures. The higher tier imposes substantive obligations on the member states that aim to ensure the proper functioning of the internal market for public contracts. EU procurement law also creates mechanisms for the gathering and sharing of information across Member States, such as the Single Market Scoreboard and, especially, e-Certis. While the lower regulatory tier is enforced domestically, though preliminary references can be made to the Court of Justice of the European Union for its interpretation of particular provisions, the higher regulatory tier and the system as a whole is monitored by the European Commission.The UK has transposed EU public procurement law through two sets of regulations: one applies in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, the other in Scotland. The UK Government has consistently limited the transposition of EU public procurement rules to a very strict ‘copy-out’ approach to avoid gold-plating, i.e. to avoid going beyond the minimum required by EU rules. The close alignment of UK and EU rules has the benefit of ensuring compliance with the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), of which the UK was, until the end of the transition, a member through its membership of the EU.

 What changes after the end of transition?

The UK Government has attempted to keep the regulatory status quo as unchanged as possible. However, since the mechanisms for collaborating with EU member states have disappeared, the UK has introduced secondary rules to replace EU-wide platforms, and to reallocate powers and functions previously assigned to the European Commission. The Public Procurement (Amendment etc) (EU Exit) Regulations 2020 included the creation of a UK e-notification service to replace the current EU-wide publication of procurement notices through the Official Journal of the EU (TED), and the reallocation to the Minister for the Cabinet Office of the powers and functions of the European Commission.

The issue of the platform where contract opportunities are published has become less important in an age of open data, since a common standard will facilitate automated processing. Also, most of the powers of the Commission are limited to adjusting EU rules to changes in the GPA, which the UK will have to carry out as well, and to monitoring compliance with the EU rules. This has probably kept the reallocation of the Commission’s powers to the Cabinet Office relatively unnoticed, although it can result in diminished scrutiny of the exercise of ministerial discretion—which the Covid-19 crisis has already evidenced. The key operational change is the decoupling of the UK from e-Certis and the associated system of European Single Procurement Document (ESPD). The effect will be to raise the administrative costs of EU companies seeking to tender for contracts in the UK and UK companies wanting to tender for contracts in the rest of the EU—although the EU-UK TCA seeks to minimise this impact by providing that ‘procuring entities [should] not require suppliers to submit all or part of the supporting evidence … unless this is necessary to ensure the proper conduct of the procurement’ (Art PPROC.5). This opens the door to mutual recognition of the EU’s ESPD and the UK’s new Single Procurement Document (SPD).

 Limited change?

The UK gained GPA membership on its own right on 1 January 2021. To facilitate that process, the UK ‘Government has sought to replicate the EU’s coverage schedules under the GPA … in a form that is as close to the form of the EU’s agreements as possible’. The same strategy has been followed in other bilateral agreements between the EU and third countries, which the UK is also seeking to reproduce. Here, too, the UK Government’s approach is to minimise change, at least as it concerns its access to non-EU procurement markets, and the openness of its own markets to third countries.

The UK’s accession to the GPA already guaranteed a high level of continuity in EU-UK procurement-related trade (safe in utilities and defence)because the EU is also a GPA member. Beyond that, in the Political Declaration, the UK and the EU agreed that they ‘should provide for mutual opportunities in [their] respective public procurement markets beyond their commitments under the GPA in areas of mutual interest, without prejudice to their domestic rules to protect their essential security interests.’

The EU-UK TCA indeed creates GPA+ market access, as detailed in Section B of Annex PPROC-1, including a range of services but with the explicit exclusion of healthcare. That high level of mutual access to procurement markets can only be subjected to future modifications, but not reductions (Art PPROC.15). Crucially, the EU-UK TCA requires national treatment beyond covered procurement for ‘suppliers of the other Party established in [one Party’s] territory through the constitution, acquisition or maintenance of a legal person’ (Art PPROC.13), which effectively ensures a continuation of current requirements for procurement below EU/GPA-thresholds where there is a ‘domestic’ presence of suppliers engaged in EU-UK procurement-related trade. This may however trigger the need to legally incorporate existing business branches on both sides of the Channel, for those suppliers previously relying on general free movement rules.

Any disputes regarding market access will be dealt with by a newly created Trade Specialised Committee on Public Procurement (Art INST.2). The EU and the UK have also agreed to cooperate ‘in the international promotion of the mutual liberalisation of public procurement markets’ (Art PPROC.19), which is more likely to be productive if their own market access commitments remain aligned.

Lastly, there is the issue of the more detailed regulation of public procurement – the lower tier of EU procedural rules or ‘procurement law’. The wording of the commitment in the Political Declaration ‘to standards based on those of the GPA ensuring transparency of market opportunities, public procurement rules, procedures and practices’ had suggested that the UK might move away from the detail of EU procurement law, albeit within the narrow margin of variation allowed by the GPA. The UK Government repeatedly expressed a willingness to reform (and deregulate) UK public procurement law. There is nothing in the EU-UK TCA preventing that, save for some explicit procedural rules eg on the use of electronic means (Art PPROC.3), on selective tendering (Art PPROC.8), or procurement remedies (Art PPROC.11). The UK Government recently published a green paper laying out reform options that will be open to public consultation until early March 2021.

Although the green paper formulates some ambitious proposals and there have been calls from some involved in the shaping of the green paper to introduce a significant reform, it is uncertain whether the UK Government will end up pushing for a model significantly different from the existing one—not least because the green paper follows an ‘EU law+’ approach.(*) The current EU-based regime is highly flexible and the introduction of a radically different set of rules would raise barriers for companies looking to tender across borders. It could also lead to greater divergence between the four nations of the UK, even if the UK Government expects public procurement to be covered by the ‘common frameworks’ that it is developing with the devolved administrations.
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This was not included in the report but, for those interested in the Green Paper, there is further analysis here, here and here.

New SSRN article on the UK's 'Transforming Public Procurement' Green Paper

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I have uploaded on SSRN the new article ‘The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication?’, which will appear in the European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review soon. The article builds on my earlier submission to the ongoing public consultation (still open, submissions accepted until 10 March 2021). The abstract is as follows:

In December 2020, seeking to start cashing in on its desired ‘Brexit dividends’, the UK Government published the Green Paper ‘Transforming Public Procurement’. The Green Paper sets out a blueprint for the reform of UK public procurement law that aims to depart from the regulatory baseline of EU law and deliver a much-touted ‘bonfire of procurement red tape’. The Green Paper seeks ‘to speed up and simplify [UK] procurement processes, place value for money at their heart, and unleash opportunities for small businesses, charities and social enterprises to innovate in public service delivery’. The Green Paper seeks to do so by creating ‘a progressive, modern regime which can adapt to the fastmoving environment in which business operates’ underpinned by ‘a culture of continuous improvement to support more resilient, diverse and innovative supply chains.’ I argue that the Green Paper has very limited transformative potential and that its proposals merely represent an ‘EU law +’ approach to the regulation of public procurement that would only result in an overcomplicated regulatory infrastructure, additional administrative burdens for both public buyers and economic operators, and tensions and contradictions in the oversight model. I conclude that a substantial rethink is needed if the Green Paper’s goals are to be achieved.

The full paper is free to download: Sanchez-Graells, Albert, The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication? (February 17, 2021). To be published in (2021) European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review, forthcoming, Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3787380. As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

'Public procurement' for Global Dictionary of Competition Law

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I have been invited to contribute an entry on ‘public procurement’ for a new Global Dictionary of Competition Law (Concurrences Books, forthcoming). The initial draft of the entry is below. Comments welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

Public Procurement
Albert Sanchez-Graells
University of Bristol Law School

Definition

Public procurement rules govern the award of government or public contracts for the acquisition of supplies, works or services, including the direct provision of public services to citizens. Public procurement rules seek to foster effective competition for public contracts to generate value for money, and to harness competition as an anticorruption tool to ensure integrity and probity in the expenditure of public funds. The main challenges to effective competition in public procurement settings are bid rigging (or collusion among bidders), which risk is heightened by the transparency inherent to procurement processes, and anticompetitive requirements imposed by the public buyer.

Commentary

The effectiveness of public procurement and its ability to deliver value for money depend on the existence of two layers of competition: competition in the market for the goods, works or services to be acquired, and competition within the tender for a specific contract. While most competition analysis focuses on the existence (or absence) of competition within the tender and tends to assimilate this with models of competition for the market, this is a short-sighted approach. Except for very rare public contracts for goods, services or works for which the public buyer is a monopsonist—mainly in sectors such as defence—most public tenders take place in a framework of competition in the market, and one with many private and public buyers seeking to purchase from a range of potential suppliers (for example, tenders for the acquisition of cloud services, general supplies, or school meals). Therefore, it is important not only to ensure that procurement rules and administrative practices prevent distortions of competition within a given tender, but also that they do not generate negative knock-on effects on (dynamic) competition in the relevant market.

The most commonly discussed distortion of competition within a public tender concerns anticompetitive agreements between bidders (bid rigging) that seek to manipulate the competition for the public contract and to extract excessive rents from the public buyer. The mechanics of bid rigging schemes are widely understood, including predominant strategies such as cover bidding, bid suppression, bid rotation and market allocation. However, these anticompetitive practices are also difficult to prevent in oligopolistic or concentrated markets because the transparency inherent to public tenders significantly facilitates monitoring of the cartelists’ bidding behaviour, and because the atomisation of public tenders requires a significant investment in market screening tools to spot suspicious patterns across regional markets and over time. Fighting cartels in public procurement settings has become a high priority for most competition authorities in recent years, in part as a result of the OECD’s work on this area—see its 2012 Recommendation on Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement—as well as the push by the International Competition Network. There is also hope in the development of effective systems of automated screening and red flags where public procurement is conducted electronically (of which there is longstanding experience eg in Korea in relation to its eProcurement platform KONEPS), but these require a solid procurement data architecture which absence has marred recent attempts in jurisdictions such as the UK and its now abandoned ‘Screening for cartels’ tool.

An additional difficulty in ensuring effective competition within a given tender derives from the unclear boundary between anticompetitive practices such as bid rigging and procompetitive cooperation through teaming, joint bidding and subcontracting arrangements between bidders. There is currently significant debate about the limits to cooperation between (potential) competitors in the context of procurement procedures, as well as whether it should be treated as a restriction of competition by object or by effect for the purposes of Article 101 TFEU. The debate is particularly alive in Scandinavian countries, following a 2016 Decision by the EFTA Court in the Ski and Follo Taxi case, and a more recent 2019 Judgment by the Danish Supreme Court in the Road Markings case, which has led to a revision of the Danish Competition and Consumer Authority’s guidelines on joint bidding. The main points of contention about the state of the law concern the counterfactual to be used to determine that joint bidders are (potential) competitors, as well as the measurement of any efficiencies passed on to the public buyer.

In order to empower public buyers to self-protect against bid rigging and to strengthen the effectiveness of competition law in public procurement settings, EU procurement rules have created discretionary grounds for the exclusion of bidders ‘where the contracting authority has sufficiently plausible indications to conclude that the economic operator has entered into agreements with other economic operators aimed at distorting competition’, as well as in cases ‘where the contracting authority can demonstrate by appropriate means that the economic operator is guilty of grave professional misconduct, which renders its integrity questionable’—which the Court of Justice of the EU has interpreted as inclusive of non-procurement related breaches of competition law (Generali-Providencia Biztosító). Recent Court of Justice case law has clarified the extent to which these exclusion grounds are applicable where bidders have benefitted from leniency, as well as the intensity of the duty to cooperate incumbent upon bidders seeking to avoid exclusion through self-cleaning measures (Vossloh Laeis). The system created under the EU rules is converging with those of other major jurisdictions, such as the US, where the Federal Acquisitions Regulations allow for similar approaches to assessing the responsiveness (or reliability) of bidders engaged in anticompetitive practices.

Beyond the abovementioned issues, which are all concerned with bidder behaviour, it is important to stress that competition within a public tender can be restricted through decisions made by the public buyer, such as the imposition of excessive participation requirements, the choice of suppliers in less than fully open procedures or foreclosure through eg the use of excessively broad and excessively long framework agreements. Such restrictions of competition can not only generate losses of value for money in the allocation of the specific contract, but also have negative effects on dynamic competition in the relevant market. Unfortunately, the direct application of competition law (ie Article 102 TFEU) to the public buyer has been excluded by the case law of the Court of Justice, except in rather rare situations where the public buyer is engaged in downstream market activities (FENIN). However, a principle of competition has been explicitly enshrined in EU public procurement law to prevent public buyers from ‘artificially narrowing competition’, in particular where ‘the design of the procurement is made with the intention of unduly favouring or disadvantaging certain economic operators’. This is a promising tool to prevent publicly-generated restrictions of competition in public procurement settings, although its interpretation generates some difficulties and its application is yet to be tested in the EU Courts.

Case References

Case C-205/03 P FENIN v Commission, EU:C:2006:453.

Case C-470/13 Generali-Providencia Biztosító, EU:C:2014:2469.

Case C-124/17 Vossloh Laeis, EU:C:2018:855.

EFTA Court, Judgment in Case E-3/16, Ski Taxi SA, Follo Taxi SA og Ski Follo Taxidrift AS v Staten v/Konkurransetilsynet, 22 December2016.

Danish Supreme Court, Judgment in the Road Markings case, 27 November 2019. The case is not available in English, but a comprehensive discussion by Heidi Sander Løjmand can be found at https://www.howtocrackanut.com/blog/2019/11/28/the-danish-supreme-courts-ruling-in-the-road-marking-case-the-end-of-a-joint-bidding-era-guest-post-by-heidi-sander-ljmand-msc [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Bibliography

Robert Anderson, William Kovacic and Anna Caroline Müller, Promoting Competition and Deterring Corruption in Public Procurement Markets: Synergies with Trade Liberalisation (2016) http://e15initiative.org/publications/promoting-competition-and-deterring-corruption-in-public-procurement-markets-synergies-with-trade-liberalisation/ [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Alison Jones, ‘Spotlight on Cartels: Bid Rigging Affecting Public Procurement’ (Concurrentialiste, 16 Nov 2020) https://leconcurrentialiste.com/jones-bid-rigging/ [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Katarzyna Kuźma and Wojciech Hartung, Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar 2020).

Albert Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (2nd edn, Hart 2015), Chapter 5.

Albert Sanchez-Graells, ‘“Screening for Cartels” in Public Procurement: Cheating at Solitaire to Sell Fool’s Gold?’ (2019) 10(4) Journal of European Competition Law & Practice 199-211.

Response to Consultation on the Green Paper 'Transforming Public Procurement'

I have submitted a response to the public consultation on the Green Paper ‘Transforming Public Procurement’. The executive summary is below, and the full submission is accessible (via dropbox). The submission raises a number of issues that are likely to be debatable, so I look forward to engaging in further discussions. As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

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An early winter present? The UK's 'Transforming public procurement' green paper

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The UK Government has published today its green paper on ‘Transforming public procurement’. This is a much awaited publication that will be subjected to public consultation until 10 March 2021. Contributions are encouraged, as this is perhaps a one in a generation opportunity to influence procurement rules. In this blog post, I just aim to provide a hot take on the green paper.

The green paper presents a vision for post-Brexit reform of the UK procurement ‘rule-book’ (for there should be a new, consolidated one), that partially aligns with the proposals of Prof Arrowsmith (see here and here)—and, in fact, Prof Arrowsmith has already published a comparison between her proposals and the green paper (here).

I have just had a read through the green paper and there will be plenty to comment in a submission to the public consultation (stay tuned towards the end of the consultation period). For now, I just have a few observations or rather, general thoughts, that I will need to mull over.

In very many respects, the green paper is is an indictment of the copy-out approach to the transposition of the EU rules in the UK (on which see here). For example, many of the reform proposals are compatible with the current EU rules and relate to areas where the UK decided not to transpose discretionary mechanisms (eg around subcontractor pay). Similarly, most of the proposals on remedies and enforcement mechanisms would be compatible with the current remedies rules. Other proposals seek to create some flexibility beyond the existing EU constraints although, to be fair, most of those are subjected to exceptional circumstances to be regulated by ‘clear regulatory frameworks’ yet to be defined, and which workability raises a few questions.

Other reform proposals concern the (past) unwillingness to impose more demanding standards (eg on publication of transparency) than those mandated by the Directives on grounds of avoiding gold-plating, which now seems to be gone—or the unwillingness or inability to impose obligations to which the UK Government had committed (eg in terms of OCDS or, again, concerning the publication of information). In that regard, the vision behind the green paper seems to be willing to create a much more developed (or far-reaching) regulatory architecture for procurement, which would be welcome.

However, this is directly in tension with another of the driving forces underpinning the green paper’s vision: deregulation and the will to create spaces for the exercise of ‘commercial judgement’ at contracting authority level. This creates a dual tension. On the one hand, the more sophisticated architecture would rely on bare bones procedural rules and would ultimately impose high transaction costs on both contracting authorities and tenderers (which the green paper acknowledges, but dismisses as ‘bedding in problems’). This could be a high-powered incentive to rely on centralised procurement organised by central purchasing bodies, although there is no clarity on the strategic approach to this in the green paper. On the other hand, relatedly, it should be noted that (if read between the lines?) the green paper is also an indictment on the current status of the commercial capacity of (most of the) UK’s public sector, as there are constant calls for more training, upskilling and quality control in the functioning of the procurement function.

This creates a chicken and egg problem on the suitability of the deregulatory approach to reforming the rules to create more commercial space. Most of the proposals are advanced on the (implicit empirical) basis that the flexibility of the existing framework is insufficient (or, rather, insufficiently exploited). This should raise a few questions on whether seriously committing to increase commercial capability and training investment would not suffice. Additionally, if we are starting at a low level of commercial capability, it would seem that creating a more deregulated framework will require even higher (ie beyond catch-up) investment in commercial upskilling. Whether the two moves should take place at the same time should be thought-trough (not least because it will be difficult to train anyone on a new system, on which there will be limited, if any, amount of reliable trainers).

In quite a few other respects, the green paper seems premised on the existence of large regulatory divergences between the GPA and the EU regime (on which see here). While this is the case in some areas, such as remedies, in most other areas the space between both regulatory baselines is narrower than the green paper would suggest, and the scope for reform is limited. This is most evident in the relabelling of procedures or award criteria, which effectively seem to seek to mask the narrowness of the regulatory space (if you cannot really change something, at least call it something different).

I am also surprised at the apparent EU-obsession underlying the green paper, which is also largely a criticism of the current EU rules (as directly copied into UK law, see above), and the complete lack of reference to useful tools for the design of a procurement system, such as the UNCITRAL Model Law and its guide to enactment. It may not have been a bad idea to seek to rely on that sort of guidelines to a larger extent, at least if the new regime is to draw on tested solutions. However, much of the green paper seems to want to achieve an ‘EU+’ level of procurement regulation (notoriously, in the regulation of a new so-called DPS+ commercial vehicle) or, perhaps, to create the next ‘world leading’ system of procurement (which would not be totally disaligned with other approaches of the current UK Government). Whether this will be a successful strategy remains to be seen.

Finally, there are a few strange elements in the green paper, which may be the result of current times (such as the extensive focus on the creation of new rules for crisis procurement), or a reflection of the particular interests of some of the actors involved in driving the reform forward (such as the explicit recognition of the possibility to charge suppliers fees for their participation in commercial vehicles, such as the proposed new DPS+, which seems to be of strategic importance to central purchasing bodies).

All in all, there is plenty to reflect upon. So this may be a good note on which to close the ‘procurement year’. I hope all readers will have a good winter break and to see you back here after the (long) hiatus, as I disappear into the horizon on my period of shared parental leave. All the best!

Combating collusion in procurement: webinar recording and slides

It was a pleasure to host today the book launch of Katarzyna Kuźma and Dr Wojciech Hartung's Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar, 2020). The authors were joined by Dr hab. Piotr Bogdanowicz and Jesper Fabricius, as well as yours truly, to discuss recent developments in the treatment of joint bidding under Article 57 of Directive 2014/24/EU, as well as the outstanding legal uncertainty on the interpretation and application of this provision, which Katarzyna and Wojciech have analysed in detail in their book. The slides used for the presentation are available (via dropbox) and a recording of the session (minus Q&A) is also available via the image below (or this link).

The authors would be happy to receive feedback or more general questions about the book and its subject-matter. They can be contacted at katarzyna.kuzma@dzp.pl and wojciech.hartung@dzp.pl.

Open Contracting: Where is the UK and What to Expect?

I had the pleasure of delivering a webinar on ‘Open Contracting Data: Where Are We & What Could We Expect?‘ for the Gloucester branch of the Chartered Institute of Procurement & Supply. The webinar assessed the current state of development and implementation of open contracting data initiatives in the UK. It also considered the main principles and goals of open contracting, as well as its practical implementation, and the specific challenges posed by the disclosure of business sensitive information. The webinar also mapped potential future developments and, more generally, reflected on the relevance of an adequate procurement data infrastructure for the deployment of digital technologies and, in particular, AI. The slides are available (via dropbox) and the recording is also accessible through the image below (as well as via dropbox).

As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

PS. For some an update on recent EBRD/EU sponsored open contracting initiatives in Greece and Poland, see here.

Healthcare procurement: a service of general economic interest?

With thanks to Dr Mary Guy (Lancaster University) for the invitation to speak at her innovative ‘Health in Europe - Virtual Discussion Forum’, below is the recording of my presentation on the treatment of healthcare procurement as a service of general economic interest. The slides are also available.

The presentation explores the case study of the English NHS Supply Chain (for a detailed account of how it works, please see here). However, broader issues of potential relevance in EU jurisdictions considering ways of reforming (and centralising) healthcare procurement are also explored.

This is work in progress for me, so comments most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

As a side note, it is worth stressing that NHS Supply Chain is currently under fire due to its failure to react properly to the PPE challenges derived from the COVID-19 crisis after a scathing National Audit Office report (on which you can watch some comments here).

Collusion in procurement book launch, 10 Dec 2020

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Dear How to Crack a Nut friends,

You are kindly invited to the book launch of Katarzyna Kuźma and Dr Wojciech Hartung's Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar, 2020). It will take place online on 10 December 2020 at 11.30 UK time via Zoom. The authors will be joined by Dr hab. Piotr Bogdanowicz and Jesper Fabricius, as well as yours truly, to discuss recent developments in the treatment of joint bidding under Article 57 of Directive 2014/24/EU, as well as the outstanding legal uncertainty on the interpretation and application of this provision, which Katarzyna and Wojciech have analysed in detail in their book.

More details and free registration here: https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/combating-collusion-in-public-procurement-book-launch-and-discussion-tickets-130271675087.

All the best, Albert