Digital procurement governance: drawing a feasibility boundary

In the current context of generalised quick adoption of digital technologies across the public sector and strategic steers to accelerate the digitalisation of public procurement, decision-makers can be captured by techno hype and the ‘policy irresistibility’ that can ensue from it (as discussed in detail here, as well as here).

To moderate those pressures and guide experimentation towards the successful deployment of digital solutions, decision-makers must reassess the realistic potential of those technologies in the specific context of procurement governance. They must also consider which enabling factors must be put in place to harness the potential of the digital technologies—which primarily relate to an enabling big data architecture (see here). Combined, the data requirements and the contextualised potential of the technologies will help decision-makers draw a feasibility boundary for digital procurement governance, which should inform their decisions.

In a new draft chapter (num 7) for my book project, I draw such a technology-informed feasibility boundary for digital procurement governance. This post provides a summary of my main findings, on which I will welcome any comments: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk. The full draft chapter is free to download: A Sanchez-Graells, ‘Revisiting the promise: A feasibility boundary for digital procurement governance’ to be included in A Sanchez-Graells, Digital Technologies and Public Procurement. Gatekeeping and experimentation in digital public governance (OUP, forthcoming). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4232973.

Data as the main constraint

It will hardly be surprising to stress again that high quality big data is a pre-requisite for the development and deployment of digital technologies. All digital technologies of potential adoption in procurement governance are data-dependent. Therefore, without adequate data, there is no prospect of successful adoption of the technologies. The difficulties in generating an enabling procurement data architecture are detailed here.

Moreover, new data rules only regulate the capture of data for the future. This means that it will take time for big data to accumulate. Accessing historical data would be a way of building up (big) data and speeding up the development of digital solutions. Moreover, in some contexts, such as in relation with very infrequent types of procurement, or in relation to decisions concerning previous investments and acquisitions, historical data will be particularly relevant (eg to deploy green policies seeking to extend the use life of current assets through programmes of enhanced maintenance or refurbishment; see here). However, there are significant challenges linked to the creation of backward-looking digital databases, not only relating to the cost of digitisation of the information, but also to technical difficulties in ensuring the representativity and adequate labelling of pre-existing information.

An additional issue to consider is that a number of governance-relevant insights can only be extracted from a combination of procurement and other types of data. This can include sources of data on potential conflict of interest (eg family relations, or financial circumstances of individuals involved in decision-making), information on corporate activities and offerings, including detailed information on products, services and means of production (eg in relation with licensing or testing schemes), or information on levels of utilisation of public contracts and satisfaction with the outcomes by those meant to benefit from their implementation (eg users of a public service, or ‘internal’ users within the public administration).

To the extent that the outside sources of information are not digitised, or not in a way that is (easily) compatible or linkable with procurement information, some data-based procurement governance solutions will remain undeliverable. Some developments in digital procurement governance will thus be determined by progress in other policy areas. While there are initiatives to promote the availability of data in those settings (eg the EU’s Data Governance Act, the Guidelines on private sector data sharing, or the Open Data Directive), the voluntariness of many of those mechanisms raises important questions on the likely availability of data required to develop digital solutions.

Overall, there is no guarantee that the data required for the development of some (advanced) digital solutions will be available. A careful analysis of data requirements must thus be a point of concentration for any decision-maker from the very early stages of considering digitalisation projects.

Revised potential of selected digital technologies

Once (or rather, if) that major data hurdle is cleared, the possibilities realistically brought by the functionality of digital technologies need to be embedded in the procurement governance context, which results in the following feasibility boundary for the adoption of those technologies.

Robotic Process Automation (RPA)

RPA can reduce the administrative costs of managing pre-existing digitised and highly structured information in the context of entirely standardised and repetitive phases of the procurement process. RPA can reduce the time invested in gathering and cross-checking information and can thus serve as a basic element of decision-making support. However, RPA cannot increase the volume and type of information being considered (other than in cases where some available information was not being taken into consideration due to eg administrative capacity constraints), and it can hardly be successfully deployed in relation to open-ended or potentially contradictory information points. RPA will also not change or improve the processes themselves (unless they are redesigned with a view to deploying RPA).

This generates a clear feasibility boundary for RPA deployment, which will generally have as its purpose the optimisation of the time available to the procurement workforce to engage in information analysis rather than information sourcing and basic checks. While this can clearly bring operational advantages, it will hardly transform procurement governance.

Machine Learning (ML)

Developing ML solutions will pose major challenges, not only in relation to the underlying data architecture (as above), but also in relation to specific regulatory and governance requirements specific to public procurement. Where the operational management of procurement does not diverge from the equivalent function in the (less regulated) private sector, it will be possible to see the adoption or adaptation of similar ML solutions (eg in relation to category spend management). However, where there are regulatory constraints on the conduct of procurement, the development of ML solutions will be challenging.

For example, the need to ensure the openness and technical neutrality of procurement procedures will limit the possibilities of developing recommender systems other than in pre-procured closed lists or environments based on framework agreements or dynamic purchasing systems underpinned by electronic catalogues. Similarly, the intended use of the recommender system may raise significant legal issues concerning eg the exercise of discretion, which can limit their deployment to areas of information exchange or to merely suggestion-based tasks that could hardly replace current processes and procedures. Given the limited utility (or acceptability) of collective filtering recommender solutions (which is the predominant type in consumer-facing private sector uses, such as Netflix or Amazon), there are also constraints on the generality of content-based recommender systems for procurement applications, both at tenderer and at product/service level. This raises a further feasibility issue, as the functional need to develop a multiplicity of different recommenders not only reopens the issue of data sufficiency and adequacy, but also raises questions of (economic and technical) viability. Recommender systems would mostly only be susceptible of feasible adoption in highly centralised procurement settings. This could create a push for further procurement centralisation that is not neutral from a governance perspective, and that can certainly generate significant competition issues of a similar nature, but perhaps a different order of magnitude, than procurement centralisation in a less digitally advanced setting. This should be carefully considered, as the knock-on effects of the implementation of some ML solutions may only emerge down the line.

Similarly, the development and deployment of chatbots is constrained by specific regulatory issues, such as the need to deploy closed domain chatbots (as opposed to open domain chatbots, ie chatbots connected to the Internet, such as virtual assistants built into smartphones), so that the information they draw from can be controlled and quality assured in line with duties of good administration and other legal requirements concerning the provision of information within tender procedures. Chatbots are suited to types of high-volume information-based queries only. They would have limited applicability in relation to the specific characteristics of any given procurement procedure, as preparing the specific information to be used by the chatbot would be a challenge—with the added functionality of the chatbot being marginal. Chatbots could facilitate access to pre-existing and curated simple information, but their functionality would quickly hit a ceiling as the complexity of the information progressed. Chatbots would only be able to perform at a higher level if they were plugged to a knowledge base created as an expert system. But then, again, in that case their added functionality would be marginal. Ultimately, the practical space for the development of chatbots is limited to low added value information access tasks. Again, while this can clearly bring operational advantages, it will hardly transform procurement governance.

ML could facilitate the development and deployment of ‘advanced’ automated screens, or red flags, which could identify patterns of suspicious behaviour to then be assessed against the applicable rules (eg administrative and criminal law in case of corruption, or competition law, potentially including criminal law, in case of bid rigging) or policies (eg in relation to policy requirements to comply with specific targets in relation to a broad variety of goals). The trade off in this type of implementation is between the potential (accuracy) of the algorithmic screening and legal requirements on the explainability of decision-making (as discussed in detail here). Where the screens were not used solely for policy analysis, but acting on the red flag carried legal consequences (eg fines, or even criminal sanctions), the suitability of specific types of ML solutions (eg unsupervised learning solutions tantamount to a ‘black box’) would be doubtful, challenging, or altogether excluded. In any case, the development of ML screens capable of significantly improving over RPA-based automation of current screens is particularly dependent on the existence of adequate data, which is still proving an insurmountable hurdle in many an intended implementation (as above).

Distributed ledger technology (DLT) systems and smart contracts

Other procurement governance constraints limit the prospects of wholesale adoption of DLT (or blockchain) technologies, other than for relatively limited information management purposes. The public sector can hardly be expected to adopt DLT solutions that are not heavily permissioned, and that do not include significant safeguards to protect sensitive, commercially valuable, and other types of information that cannot be simply put in the public domain. This means that the public sector is only likely to implement highly centralised DLT solutions, with the public sector granting permissions to access and amend the relevant information. While this can still generate some (degrees of) tamper-evidence and permanence of the information management system, the net advantage is likely to be modest when compared to other types of secure information management systems. This can have an important bearing on decisions whether DLT solutions meet cost effectiveness or similar criteria of value for money controlling their piloting and deployment.

The value proposition of DLT solutions could increase if they enabled significant procurement automation through smart contracts. However, there are massive challenges in translating procurement procedures to a strict ‘if/when ... then’ programmable logic, smart contracts have limited capability that is not commensurate with the volumes and complexity of procurement information, and their development would only be justified in contexts where a given smart contract (ie specific programme) could be used in a high number of procurement procedures. This limits its scope of applicability to standardised and simple procurement exercises, which creates a functional overlap with some RPA solutions. Even in those settings, smart contracts would pose structural problems in terms of their irrevocability or automaticity. Moreover, they would be unable to generate off-chain effects, and this would not be easily sorted out even with the inclusion of internet of things (IoT) solutions or software oracles. This comes to largely restrict smart contracts to an information exchange mechanism, which does not significantly increase the value added by DLT plus smart contract solutions for procurement governance.

Conclusion

To conclude, there are significant and difficult to solve hurdles in generating an enabling data architecture, especially for digital technologies that require multiple sources of information or data points regarding several phases of the procurement process. Moreover, the realistic potential of most technologies primarily concerns the automation of tasks not involving data analysis of the exercise of procurement discretion, but rather relatively simple information cross-checks or exchanges. Linking back to the discussion in the earlier broader chapter (see here), the analysis above shows that a feasibility boundary emerges whereby the adoption of digital technologies for procurement governance can make contributions in relation to its information intensity, but not easily in relation to its information complexity, at least not in the short to medium term and not in the absence of a significant improvement of the required enabling data architecture. Perhaps in more direct terms, in the absence of a significant expansion in the collection and curation of data, digital technologies can allow procurement governance to do more of the same or to do it quicker, but it cannot enable better procurement driven by data insights, except in relatively narrow settings. Such settings are characterised by centralisation. Therefore, the deployment of digital technologies can be a further source of pressure towards procurement centralisation, which is not a neutral development in governance terms.

This feasibility boundary should be taken into account in considering potential use cases, as well as serve to moderate the expectations that come with the technologies and that can fuel ‘policy irresistibility’. Further, it should be stressed that those potential advantages do not come without their own additional complexities in terms of new governance risks (eg data and data systems integrity, cybersecurity, skills gaps) and requirements for their mitigation. These will be explored in the next stage of my research project.

Digital technologies, hype, and public sector capability

© Martin Brandt / Flickr.

By Albert Sanchez-Graells (@How2CrackANut) and Michael Lewis (@OpsProf).*

The public sector’s reaction to digital technologies and the associated regulatory and governance challenges is difficult to map, but there are some general trends that seem worrisome. In this blog post, we reflect on the problematic compound effects of technology hype cycles and diminished public sector digital technology capability, paying particular attention to their impact on public procurement.

Digital technologies, smoke, and mirrors

There is a generalised over-optimism about the potential of digital technologies, as well as their likely impact on economic growth and international competitiveness. There is also a rush to ‘look digitally advanced’ eg through the formulation of ‘AI strategies’ that are unlikely to generate significant practical impacts (more on that below). However, there seems to be a big (and growing?) gap between what countries report (or pretend) to be doing (eg in reports to the OECD AI observatory, or in relation to any other AI readiness ranking) and what they are practically doing. A relatively recent analysis showed that European countries (including the UK) underperform particularly in relation to strategic aspects that require detailed work (see graph). In other words, there are very few countries ready to move past signalling a willingness to jump onto the digital tech bandwagon.

Some of that over-optimism stems from limited public sector capability to understand the technologies themselves (as well as their implications), which leads to naïve or captured approaches to policymaking (on capture, see the eye-watering account emerging from the #Uberfiles). Given the closer alignment (or political meddling?) of policymakers with eg research funding programmes, including but not limited to academic institutions, naïve or captured approaches impact other areas of ‘support’ for the development of digital technologies. This also trickles down to procurement, as the ‘purchasing’ of digital technologies with public money is seen as a (not very subtle) way of subsidising their development (nb. there are many proponents of that approach, such as Mazzucato, as discussed here). However, this can also generate further space for capture, as the same lack of capability that affects high(er) level policymaking also affects funding organisations and ‘street level’ procurement teams. This results in a situation where procurement best practices such as market engagement result in the ‘art of the possible’ being determined by private industry. There is rarely co-creation of solutions, but too often a capture of procurement expenditure by entrepreneurs.

Limited capability, difficult assessments, and dependency risk

Perhaps the universalist techno-utopian framing (cost savings and efficiency and economic growth and better health and new service offerings, etc.) means it is increasingly hard to distinguish the specific merits of different digitalisation options – and the commercial interests that actively hype them. It is also increasingly difficult to carry out effective impact assessments where the (overstressed) benefits are relatively narrow and short-termist, while the downsides of technological adoption are diffuse and likely to only emerge after a significant time lag. Ironically, this limited ability to diagnose ‘relative’ risks and rewards is further exacerbated by the diminishing technical capability of the state: a negative mirror to Amazon’s flywheel model for amplifying capability. Indeed, as stressed by Bharosa (2022): “The perceptions of benefits and risks can be blurred by the information asymmetry between the public agencies and GovTech providers. In the case of GovTech solutions using new technologies like AI, Blockchain and IoT, the principal-agent problem can surface”.

As Colington (2021) points out, despite the “innumerable papers in organisation and management studies” on digitalisation, there is much less understanding of how interests of the digital economy might “reconfigure” public sector capacity. In studying Denmark’s policy of public sector digitalisation – which had the explicit intent of stimulating nascent digital technology industries – she observes the loss of the very capabilities necessary “for welfare states to develop competences for adapting and learning”. In the UK, where it might be argued there have been attempts, such as the Government Digital Services (GDS) and NHS Digital, to cultivate some digital skills ‘in-house’, the enduring legacy has been more limited in the face of endless demands for ‘cost saving’. Kattel and Takala (2021) for example studied GDS and noted that, despite early successes, they faced the challenge of continual (re)legitimization and squeezed investment; especially given the persistent cross-subsidised ‘land grab’ of platforms, like Amazon and Google, that offer ‘lower cost and higher quality’ services to governments. The early evidence emerging from the pilot algorithmic transparency standard seems to confirm this trend of (over)reliance on external providers, including Big Tech providers such as Microsoft (see here).

This is reflective of Milward and Provan’s (2003) ‘hollow state’ metaphor, used to describe "the nature of the devolution of power and decentralization of services from central government to subnational government and, by extension, to third parties – nonprofit agencies and private firms – who increasingly manage programs in the name of the state.” Two decades after its formulation, the metaphor is all the more applicable, as the hollowing out of the State is arguably a few orders of magnitude larger due the techno-centricity of reforms in the race towards a new model of digital public governance. It seems as if the role of the State is currently understood as being limited to that of enabler (and funder) of public governance reforms, not solely implemented, but driven by third parties—and primarily highly concentrated digital tech giants; so that “some GovTech providers can become the next Big Tech providers that could further exploit the limited technical knowledge available at public agencies [and] this dependency risk can become even more significant once modern GovTech solutions replace older government components” (Bharosa, 2022). This is a worrying trend, as once dominance is established, the expected anticompetitive effects of any market can be further multiplied and propagated in a setting of low public sector capability that fuels risk aversion, where the adage “Nobody ever gets fired for buying IBM” has been around since the 70s with limited variation (as to the tech platform it is ‘safe to engage’).

Ultimately, the more the State takes a back seat, the more its ability to steer developments fades away. The rise of a GovTech industry seeking to support governments in their digital transformation generates “concerns that GovTech solutions are a Trojan horse, exploiting the lack of technical knowledge at public agencies and shifting decision-making power from public agencies to market parties, thereby undermining digital sovereignty and public values” (Bharosa, 2022). Therefore, continuing to simply allow experimentation in the GovTech market without a clear strategy on how to reign the industry in—and, relatedly, how to build the public sector capacity needed to do so as a precondition—is a strategy with (exponentially) increasing reversal costs and an unclear tipping point past which meaningful change may simply not be possible.

Public sector and hype cycle

Being more pragmatic, the widely cited, if impressionistic, “hype cycle model” developed by Gartner Inc. provides additional insights. The model presents a generalized expectations path that new technologies follow over time, which suggests that new industrial technologies progress through different stages up to a peak that is followed by disappointment and, later, a recovery of expectations.

Although intended to describe aggregate technology level dynamics, it can be useful to consider the hype cycle for public digital technologies. In the early phases of the curve, vendors and potential users are actively looking for ways to create value from new technology and will claim endless potential use cases. If these are subsequently piloted or demonstrated – even if ‘free’ – they are exciting and visible, and vendors are keen to share use cases, they contribute to creating hype. Limited public sector capacity can also underpin excitement for use cases that are so far removed from their likely practical implementation, or so heavily curated, that they do not provide an accurate representation of how the technology would operate at production phase in the generally messy settings of public sector activity and public sector delivery. In phases such as the peak of inflated expectations, only organisations with sufficient digital technology and commercial capabilities can see through sophisticated marketing and sales efforts to separate the hype from the true potential of immature technologies. The emperor is likely to be naked, but who’s to say?

Moreover, as mentioned above, international organisations one step (upwards) removed from the State create additional fuel for the hype through mapping exercises and rankings, which generate a vicious circle of “public sector FOMO” as entrepreneurial bureaucrats and politicians are unlikely to want to be listed bottom of the table and can thus be particularly receptive to hyped pitches. This can leverage incentives to support *almost any* sort of tech pilots and implementations just to be seen to do something ‘innovative’, or to rush through high-risk implementations seeking to ‘cash in’ on the political and other rents they can (be spun to) generate.

However, as emerging evidence shows (AI Watch, 2022), there is a big attrition rate between announced and piloted adoptions, and those that are ultimately embedded in the functioning of the public sector in a value-adding manner (ie those that reach the plateau of productivity stage in the cycle). Crucially, the AI literacy and skills in the staff involved in the use of the technology post-pilot are one of the critical challenges to the AI implementation phase in the EU public sector (AI Watch, 2021). Thus, early moves in the hype curve are unlikely to translate into sustainable and expectations-matching deployments in the absence of a significant boost of public sector digital technology capabilities. Without committed long-term investment in that capability, piloting and experimentation will rarely translate into anything but expensive pet projects (and lucrative contracts).

Locking the hype in: IP, data, and acquisitions markets

Relatedly, the lack of public sector capacity is a foundation for eg policy recommendations seeking to avoid the public buyer acquiring (and having to manage) IP rights over the digital technologies it funds through procurement of innovation (see eg the European Commission’s policy approach: “There is also a need to improve the conditions for companies to protect and use IP in public procurement with a view to stimulating innovation and boosting the economy. Member States should consider leaving IP ownership to the contractors where appropriate, unless there are overriding public interests at stake or incompatible open licensing strategies in place” at 10).

This is clear as mud (eg what does overriding public interest mean here?) but fails to establish an adequate balance between public funding and public access to the technology, as well as generating (unavoidable?) risks of lock-in and exacerbating issues of lack of capacity in the medium and long-term. Not only in terms of re-procuring the technology (see related discussion here), but also in terms of the broader impact this can have if the technology is propagated to the private sector as a result of or in relation to public sector adoption.

Linking this recommendation to the hype curve, such an approach to relying on proprietary tech with all rights reserved to the third-party developer means that first mover advantages secured by private firms at the early stages of the emergence of a new technology are likely to be very profitable in the long term. This creates further incentives for hype and for investment in being the first to capture decision-makers, which results in an overexposure of policymakers and politicians to tech entrepreneurs pushing hard for (too early) adoption of technologies.

The exact same dynamic emerges in relation to access to data held by public sector entities without which GovTech (and other types of) innovation cannot take place. The value of data is still to be properly understood, as are the mechanisms that can ensure that the public sector obtains and retains the value that data uses can generate. Schemes to eg obtain value options through shares in companies seeking to monetise patient data are not bullet-proof, as some NHS Trusts recently found out (see here, and here paywalled). Contractual regulation of data access, data ownership and data retention rights and obligations pose a significant challenge to institutions with limited digital technology capabilities and can compound IP-related lock-in problems.

A final further complication is that the market for acquisitions of GovTech and other digital technologies start-ups and scale-ups is very active and unpredictable. Even with standard levels of due diligence, public sector institutions that had carefully sought to foster a diverse innovation ecosystem and to avoid contracting (solely) with big players may end up in their hands anyway, once their selected provider leverages their public sector success to deliver an ‘exit strategy’ for their founders and other (venture capital) investors. Change of control clauses clearly have a role to play, but the outside alternatives for public sector institutions engulfed in this process of market consolidation can be limited and difficult to assess, and particularly challenging for organisations with limited digital technology and associated commercial capabilities.

Procurement at the sharp end

Going back to the ongoing difficulty (and unwillingness?) in regulating some digital technologies, there is a (dominant) general narrative that imposes a ‘balanced’ approach between ensuring adequate safeguards and not stifling innovation (with some countries clearly erring much more on the side of caution, such as the UK, than others, such as the EU with the proposed EU AI Act, although the scope of application of its regulatory requirements is narrower than it may seem). This increasingly means that the tall order task of imposing regulatory constraints on the digital technologies and the private sector companies that develop (and own them) is passed on to procurement teams, as the procurement function is seen as a useful regulatory mechanism (see eg Select Committee on Public Standards, Ada Lovelace Institute, Coglianese and Lampmann (2021), Ben Dor and Coglianese (2022), etc but also the approach favoured by the European Commission through the standard clauses for the procurement of AI).

However, this approach completely ignores issues of (lack of) readiness and capability that indicate that the procurement function is being set up to fail in this gatekeeping role (in the absence of massive investment in upskilling). Not only because it lacks the (technical) ability to figure out the relevant checks and balances, and because the levels of required due diligence far exceed standard practices in more mature markets and lower risk procurements, but also because the procurement function can be at the sharp end of the hype cycle and (pragmatically) unable to stop the implementation of technological deployments that are either wasteful or problematic from a governance perspective, as public buyers are rarely in a position of independent decision-making that could enable them to do so. Institutional dynamics can be difficult to navigate even with good insights into problematic decisions, and can be intractable in a context of low capability to understand potential problems and push back against naïve or captured decisions to procure specific technologies and/or from specific providers.

Final thoughts

So, as a generalisation, lack of public sector capability seems to be skewing high level policy and limiting the development of effective plans to roll it out, filtering through to incentive systems that will have major repercussions on what technologies are developed and procured, with risks of lock-in and centralisation of power (away from the public sector), as well as generating a false comfort in the ability of the public procurement function to provide an effective route to tech regulation. The answer to these problems is both evident, simple, and politically intractable in view of the permeating hype around new technologies: more investment in capacity building across the public sector.

This regulatory answer is further complicated by the difficulty in implementing it in an employment market where the public sector, its reward schemes and social esteem are dwarfed by the high salaries, flexible work conditions and allure of the (Big) Tech sector and the GovTech start-up scene. Some strategies aimed at alleviating the generalised lack of public sector capability, e.g. through a GovTech platform at the EU level, can generate further risks of reduction of (in-house) public sector capability at State (and regional, local) level as well as bottlenecks in the access of tech to the public sector that could magnify issues of market dominance, lock-in and over-reliance on GovTech providers (as discussed in Hoekstra et al, 2022).

Ultimately, it is imperative to build more digital technology capability in the public sector, and to recognise that there are no quick (or cheap) fixes to do so. Otherwise, much like with climate change, despite the existence of clear interventions that can mitigate the problem, the hollowing out of the State and the increasing overdependency on Big Tech providers will be a self-fulfilling prophecy for which governments will have no one to blame but themselves.

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* We are grateful to Rob Knott (@Procure4Health) for comments on an earlier draft. Any remaining errors and all opinions are solely ours.